YOUTH GANG VIOLENCE: IMPORTANT FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES, SCHOOL AUTHORITIES AND PTAs

 INTRODUCTION

Gang violence among suburban and rural American youths is a growing community problem, both for law enforcement and authorities of public schools (Simpson, 2009). Accordingly, some rural communities are refusing to accept the prevalence of this situation, believing it to be an inner city problem. However, based on a 2003 survey conducted by the U.S. Bureau of Justice, gang violence affects both urban and rural communities. The survey indicated that “twenty-three percent of youths in public schools between the ages of twelve and eighteen, admitted the existence of some gang culture on their school premises. In addition, thirty-four of urban school students reported the existence of gang culture in their schools. Meanwhile, twenty-percent of suburban school students, and thirteen percent of rural school students said there were gang activities in their schools. This policy analysis identified methods that can be used by local PTAs, school administrators, and local law enforcement agencies to understand and address public school gang violence.

This policy analysis discusses the important findings of an effort to understand the effects of youth gang violence in American public schools. A number of studies on youth gang violence were looked at, and through that, a working definition for youth gang violence, the factors influencing youth gang violence, teen vulnerability, and suggestions on how to address this problem.

Below is the definition and background of the problem, a brief overview of the literature on gang violence. Following that is a short explanation of the methods adopted for this analysis, which has to do with summarizing the various studies and the key legislations which went into effect as the result of this policy analysis. 

WHAT IS GANG VIOLENCE?

Gangs are organized groups mostly associated with illegal activities such as gun running and drug trafficking (Trump, 1993). In 1898, H. D. Sheldon employed the term “gang” while referring to a group of unstructured individuals engaging in predatory acts of vandalism (as cited in Decker & van Winkle, 1996). In his 1927 epic study of 1303 Chicago gangs, F. Thrasher thoroughly defined the inter-generational character of those neighborhoods caught in gang violence. Accordingly, there are three characteristics that are peculiar with gang neighbors—they are appallingly disorganized with an unstable population. Consequently, gang is spontaneously an action by a group of boys, trying to establish a subculture that sustains their needs in the absence of a functional system (p. 37).

WHY SHOULD GANG VIOLENCE MATTERS?

The presence of gangs on school premises is not only stressful for young people, but has been identified as one of the leading causes in school related violence. While they may not be directly accountable for all violence in school, in the absence of a structured system, many students in and out of gangs are finding ways to protect themselves against school violence, by increasingly arming themselves. Ideally, a survey conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 1992 reported that schools with gang presence are prone to having drugs on campus than those without. In addition, those students who affiliate with gangs will likely show signs of fear of being the victims of school violence than their peers who are not.

BACKGROUND ON YOUTH GANGS 

Historically, youth gang violence especially in urban America is rapidly growing to near moral panic (Simpson, 2009). However, the tough on crime on illegal drug juvenile delinquency is taking attention away from understanding the shift in youth subculture to gang violence. Gang violence among teens continues to pose great difficulties for law enforcement officials. However, if local PTAs, schools, local organizations team up with their law enforcement agencies, the community could be a much safer place to reside. Understanding the seriousness of this problem is a good way to start. According to a report by Simpson (2009) “most communities are either in denial or are simply refusing to accept their share of gang violence.” Moreover, those same communities believe that gang violence among teens, is an inner city problem.

HISTORICAL PERSPECITVE OF THE PROBLEM

The problem of youth gang culture goes as far back as Charles Dickens 1830s when he referred to Fagin’s pack of young boys roaming the streets of London in his novel Oliver Twist, as a gang of boys. By the turn of the twentieth century, gangs in the United States had taken a different dimension well beyond Dickens’ literary imagination. Accordingly, gang violence was taking its toll on public schools in urban and rural America, places that were considered neutral (Bodinger-deUriarte, 1993).

The presence of youth gang violence is treated with ambivalence. A number of urban communities have historically refused to accept their share of this problem. For instance, American male gang members were initially regarded as underprivileged inner city immigrants, who were forcefully adventurous (Thrasher, 1927).  Consequently, some studies draw attention to organized and integrative nature of gangs (Whyte, 1943; Spergel, 1964; Cloward & Ohlin, 1960; Shaw & McKay, 1942). Sociologically, the problem of individual juvenile delinquency was reevaluated as a gang problem, where a gang of boys collectively meet to pursue a common goal (Cohen, 1955).

However, based on a 2003 survey by the U.S. Bureau of Justice, some suburban and rural communities have their share of this problem. Based on the report, twenty-three percent of young people between the ages of twelve to eighteen in public schools admitted the existence of street gang related activities within their schools. In addition, thirty-four percent of students in urban schools admitted the presence of gangs, while twenty percent of students in suburban schools and thirteen percent in rural students reported gang activities.

Nonetheless, whether urban, suburban, or rural, it is important that local community organizations team up with their local law enforcement organizations to address gang issues. Community organizations like PTAs could be the most important link between the police and schools in keeping making the police a much safer place. In addition, local PTAs could inform parents and the community at large of the serious implication of gang violence in the community. Additionally, PTAs and other community organizations could assist in building useful gang prevention program. But this can only be successful if the community is fully educated on gang related signs, and what leads to gang membership.

A report from the William Gladden Foundation (1992) stated that “family dysfunction and poverty” are two primary causes for youth gang affiliation. While there many other reasons why young people affiliate with gangs, the signs for gang affiliation are principally identified by (Gaustad, 1991) as change in friendship, and interacting with strange people that are not known to the family, indication of substance abuse, sudden change in demeanor, signs of resentment toward family values including withdrawing from the rest of the family.

Moreover, further indications have been identified as change in dress code and fashion taste, such as wearing a specific color or style of clothing, staying out late and visiting places unknown to the parents, decline in school performance, and no interest in school and community sponsored activities, increasing rebellious behaviors toward school administrators, parents, and others, including bullying. Furthermore, youths who affiliate with gangs are passionate about symbols, sketched on personal possessions such as notebooks, shoes, clothes and others. Finally, gang links are also traced to increased signs of mall shopping for specific clothes and other items with unidentified cash, and a sudden passion in watching, listening, collecting gang related music and videos. 

Studies have characterized youth gang violence as a psychosocial problem, while closely examining it more from a macro-level and group perspective (Short, 1960; Short & Strodtbeck, 1974).  In his book, The Violent Gang, Yablonsky (1962) referred to the actions of individual gang member psychopathic (as cited in Klein, 1995). Additionally, members of street gangs involve in a number of problems, one referred to as “cafeteria style crime”, Klein (1995, p. 22).

However, one captivating aspect of Klein (1995) is its outright disregard for known street corner gangs like bikers, skinheads, blood, and others, in place of those referenced as “wannabe” groups experimenting gang life. Eggleston (2000) referred to youth gang problem in the United States as pervasive.  Further findings of the seriousness of youth gang violence are reported in a self study conducted by Lyon et al. (1992), which found no dissimilarity in family ties between those who have committed serious crimes and members of gangs. However, there was a huge contrast in behaviors.

Consequently, gang members were found to be more aggressive with poor social skills. A much closer look into the poor social skill of youth gang members in a related study came to the conclusion that the aggressive individual behaviors demonstrated by gang members signify the norm of gang culture (Thornberry et al., 1993).  Supporting the concept of social deviation, an earlier study conducted in Sweden did find that gang members tend to demonstrate a high level of criminal intelligence, including drug consumption and inability to seek employment (Samecki, 1990). Contending to the theory that gangs primarily exist to facilitate criminal activities, in a study involving Chicago public school children, confirmed that 14 percent of youth involving in gang activities had no criminal record (Curry & Spergel, 1992).

The most fascinating part of the Chicago School Study was the discovery that gang affiliation is a byproduct of the community, contrary to individual deviancy posited by traditional psychological models.  Contending to the ecological theory, some studies held that poverty and lack of economic opportunities are the forces driving gang violence (Bourgois 1989; Hagedorn, 1997).  Trying to understand the variables, which lead to gang affiliation without the input of gang youths, may not validate the process to resolve gang violence. The love for material things, affiliation, protection from physical harm, peer pressure, fun, partying, and adventurism were some of the motives cited by youths with gang affiliation (Decker and Van Winkle 1996, Fleisher 1995, Spergel 1995, Scheidlinger 1994, Campbell 1990, Sanchez-Jankowski 1991, Hagedorn 1988, Katz 1988, Vigil 1988, Sarnecki 1990, Vigil 1983, Spergel 1964, Cohen 1955, Whyte 1943).

But Decker and Van Winkle (1996) argued that the threats of physical violence, whether real or unreal, are two primary reasons why young people join a gang. However, while fear of being harm was a key reason why young Americans seek gang membership, according to Decker and van Winkle (1996), “fear is a reason why young people denounce their membership with gangs.”  

However, research showed that very few young people affiliate with gangs, even within inner cities, which are considered highly impacted areas (Bodinger-deUriarte, 1993). Accordingly, the level of youth participation is hardly 10 percent. Moreover, less than 2 percent of juvenile crime is connected to gang. This policy paper primarily focuses on ways to prevent young people from joining gangs, thereby further reducing the rise of gang violence. It also looked at existing policies, their effectiveness, and how they can be improved.

WHY GANGS EXIST IN SCHOOL AND WHY THEY ATTRACT STUDENTS

Many reasons have been provided why people seek gang membership. However, in schools, gangs are renowned for providing sense of family and ethnic identity to their members (William Gladden Foundation, 1992). However, the primary focus of school authorities is to create diversionary programs to address the crucial needs of students in and out of gangs. Accordingly, lack of a functional support system to address the needs of adolescents may lead to frustration and anger; failure to provide a safer stable environment where young people can feel a sense of belongingness is another reason to seek gang membership; and not providing a secured environment to address the psychological needs also leads young to seek gang membership.

EFFECTIVE WAYS TO COMBAT SCHOOL GANGS

Consistent with the various literature reviewed, the following interventions arel effective strategies that could be adapted by police agencies, school administrations, and local PTAs:

1.     Set up a diversionary program to address students’ vulnerability to gang affiliation, by utilizing peer group tutoring. A good mentoring or conflict resolution program is a great way to effectively resolve any personal issues that a youngster is facing.

2.     Set up a morally ethically loaded conflict resolution school program.

3.     Set up yearly programs where students meet to annually share their passions.

4.     Orientate school faculty and staff on gang culture and how it can be handled.

5.      Establish a parent teacher association gang program, which provides culturally diverse sensitive lectures in various languages.

6.      Monitor the activities of school age children who frequently hang around school facilities they are not      attending. By monitoring activities around school vicinities is a great way to assess for gang activities in and around the community.

7.     Provide academic opportunities for broader student parent participation where they can share general      experiences in and out of school.

Even though the steps above may not be the lasting answers to preventing gang violence in public schools, they are credibly significant.  They are helpfully important to render gang culture an unattractive option for young people. 

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THE MORAL IMPACT OF CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE ON POLICY OUTCOMES IN CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY

Background

One of the first cases of civil disobedience in the United States dates back to the ebbs of Henry David Thoreau—even the term ‘civil disobedience is formerly credited to him (Thoreau, 1848). His effort was complimented by Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., whose nonviolent form of civil disobedience inspired a number of public policy outcomes. Philosophically, the justification of civil disobedience is to effect necessary changes through nonlethal means in cases where traditional efforts are not possible (Keeton, 1964). Accordingly, the usefulness of expressing dissenting views in various ways (Boston Tea Party, freedom riders, boycotts, etc) coincides with the founding of the US nation state—hence, though these forms of dissent have hurt the American nation somehow unabatedly, they have invaluably contributed to the development of its democracy.

In addition to sit-ins, boycotts, filibustering, marching, are few of the forms of civil disobedience used to express dissent or influence public policy changes in democratic governance. These forms of civil disobedience have had their fair share of criticisms in the history of American democracy. Since the interests of stakeholders and citizens move from time to time, depending on the moral inadequacies of our laws and present social orders—civil disobedience is said to be a plausible means to reducing the tensions of competing needs and wants and the available public policies to address them (Keeton, 1964, p. 507). The introduction of information communication technology/social media (i.e., tweeter, texting, Facebook, youtube, wireless phones, etc) in disseminating information among activists, the so called internet freedoms, have not only modernized civil disobedience, but have expanded the need for additional policies to regulate their use.     

Situation

The World Bank teams up with many international organizations to assist post conflict countries rebuild their war ravaged nations. As Development Coordinator, my primary function is to assist civic societies reemerge through development machinery like the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). Using American democratic principles, we involve all aspects of emerging democracies using the PRS module. By so doing, we set up steering committees comprising four pillars (economic, governance, security, and rule of law). The primary focus of the governance and rule of law pillar is to improve legislative and judiciary processes. We also help younger democracies transitioning from war; use other peaceful democratic means to influence public policy outcomes.

On December 11, 2009, a cross section of civic society organizations in the West African nation where I work, staged a relatively peaceful march against the national authority demanding widespread judicial and legislative reforms. For almost two decades, this nation was coiled in a civil war that was largely occasioned by lack of equal opportunities for all citizens. A few of the leaders of the demonstration were former public servants, who one way or the other, may have had the opportunity of introducing sweeping reforms that could have democratically transformed and perhaps presented the war that devastated this small West African nation.

In some ways, the demonstrators were knowledgeable of their rights and various ways to have them met in a transitional democracy. In addition, my office had been involved in the process of educating various communities on how to have their voices heard in a democracy other without resorting to violent means. Our social cohesion and peace building programs provide citizens the ability to democratically coexist in the community, workplace; how to engage tribal heads, manage disputes through traditional and nontraditional means; how to engage various community leaders such as, metropolitan or city council, township and national governments.

One of the tested aspects of the social cohesion program is the ability to organize local elections, build coalition and networks. In this aspect, members of the community learnt and mastered the art of ethically coping with competing interests through effective networking, in addition to ways of managing and accepting election results. These principles were tested in a general elections held in 2005, which brought in a president, senators (junior & senior, reps, mayors, chiefs, and others).

The United Nations declaration on human rights holds that every individual is born with the fundamental and inalienable rights of life, liberty and finding the means to fulfill happiness. Hence, it is incumbent upon member nations of the UN to vainly help all their free loving citizens meet these rights—not only that those governments of UN member states exist at the wills of their citizens, the main priority of governments is to cater to the wellbeing of their people. But when these governments are unable to assist citizens fulfill these fundamental rights, the organic laws and constitutions of member nations through the UN, support certain moral rights for citizens to exploit peaceful to demand these inalienable and other natural rights from their governments.

Abstract

This paper examined the effects of civil disobedience on public policy. It closely looked at the ethical implications of protesting against a set of wrongs with the hope of seeking reforms. The research is based on a case study surrounding a mass civil demonstration staged to obtain a number of legislative and judicial reforms in a post conflict nation, which among others, was fraught with a number injustices. The research also examined the various levels of interactions at various levels, including the government and other stakeholders. The use of information communication technology (ICT) and other social media tools through the internet is a huge part of this research. The research concluded that civil disobedience once done collaboratively with full media exposure, not only influenced legislations, but create greater public awareness.    

Introduction

This paper is centered on a case study on civil disobedience that occurred in a post conflict nation in West Africa. Using the case study, the paper looked at the effect of civil disobedience on policy outcomes within a democracy. Based on a course matrix, the paper took an in-depth look into the basic processes of protestation through civil disobedience, analyzed the various institutions that participated in a network of interest groups to orchestrate a civil demonstration that is geared towards broader constitutional, legislative and judicial reforms. It also described the roles of leaders and other participants of the protestation, along with their influences, politically and psychologically, on the demonstrators.

There is a section that discussed the ethical implications of civil disobedience on society in general, along with its unintended consequences, diversity issues, and the various beneficiaries and potential victims. Toward the end of this paper, is a portion that looked at the challenges posited to democratic governance by civil disobedience, and along with how they were handled. But the role played by information technology and the internet is a pivotal part of this paper in that it touched on modern methods of civilly demonstrating against the state.  

The question is how effective is civil disobedience on public policy? Research has concluded that mass civil protest does impact public policy especially when done peacefully, and with the full knowledge of the public (Agnone, 2007). However, though guaranteed by the First and Fourth Amendments (The US Constitution), the legitimacy of civil disobedience is one that has not been fully embraced by most governments, including the United States, in that it does not serve as an adequate excuse for going against the law.

Review of the Literature

Seeking reforms through civil disobedience is an act that is provided for in the United Nations Declaration of human rights, but has somehow rooted in the First Amendment of the US Constitution. The First Amendment guarantees free speech to all peaceful citizens, institutions, and including the press. Accordingly, the US Constitution through the First Amendment prohibits Congress from making laws that will stifle free speech, peaceful assembly, and ability to formerly redress to citizens’ grievances from the government. But the ability to utilize these rights in US democratic governance is credited to the founding fathers, especially the framers of the Bill of Rights, James Madison et al, who were all products of the 18^th century, an era known as the Age of Enlightenment/Reason (ACLU, n.d).

Civil disobedience addresses three democratic principles, liberty and free speech as guaranteed under the First Amendment; equality, and the ability to seek redress through peaceful means. While civil disobedience is fully justified under the law, philosophically, it is morally right when done peacefully.  Cohen (1966) held that in order for a civil act to be considered disobedient, it must not only violate the law or goes contrary to what the law allows or disallows, it should be publicly staged and done with the full knowledge of state authorities.

But what makes civil disobedience, an act that breaches the law, morally acceptable under the law? As cited in the Stanford Encyclopedia, Rawls (1971) vindicated that civil disobedience is tolerated under the law because it is normally peaceful, and a diligent means of effecting changes to legislations or public policies. Consequently, there is a stronger level of commitment shown by those engaging in civil disobedience, the ability to accept the full weight of the law.

In their efforts to decentralize the demonstration, the organizers as mentioned in the case study, sought to collaborate with a number of civic organizations and other interest groups nationally, so as to enable the demonstration held simultaneously in other parts of the country. Among the network of organizations that morally offered to support the civil disobedience, was the national association of lawyers. As officers of the court, lawyers are morally and legally bound to defend the law and the constitution (McMorrow, 1991). Hence, offering to participate in a statewide civil protestation, though somehow contradictory, legitimizes the process—issues of law are flexibly dynamic, and compel those in the profession to constantly shift their opinions and positions from time to time in an attempt to help shape the law, which is also the duty of layers (Wilkins, 1990, as cited in McMorrow, 1991).  

While lawyers may be able to rationalize the legality or illegality of disobedience, the question exists whether the case is the same for other professionals? To what extent are citizens conscious of their rights or consequences of their actions more so when civil disobedience is morally justified? McMorrow (1991, p. 141, para. 1) stated that, in addition to their ability to choose which sides of the law to support, lawyers are especially required by their oath to positively uphold the rule of law and exercise good judgments when deciding to participate in a civil disobedience more than other citizens. For instance, even though there were teachers union, Local Port Workers and other teamsters unions, the press union, volunteer paramedic association, nurses and doctors union, jointly pooling their resources to coordinate the effort to seek judicial reform, the consequences of participating lawyers may range from loss of privileges to practice, to serving jail time.

Using civil disobedience as a tool to seek policy reforms is not completely an outlandish process, neither is it a disregard of the law. The case is made that those political actions, which are directly aimed at certain critical policies, such as seeking to eliminate highly politicized policies like health care, gun control, indoor smoking, environmental and other climate issues, and others (as cited in Markovits, 2005). And since it seeks to put a check or limit the role of government, political disobedience is somehow deemed liberally egalitarian—the idea of a limited government, that is, one with less say in the lives of citizens, for most part, is credited to Rawls and Mills.

Nonetheless, one classical account of liberal disobedience against the majority, points to the civil rights movement, which sought to obtain equal treatment for all, principles that shape American democracy (p. 1905). The trial of Socrates perhaps marks the turning point of civil disobedience in Western political governance—and equally so, networking with the press to provide maximum publicity is also precedential to the process (Calabrese, 2004). However, if Socrates was only guilty of acts of civil disobedience, why should the expression of one’s dissatisfaction over certain injustices within the state receives a punishment as harsh as death? Moreover, how can an act which violates the law, civil?

When done peacefully and in those fashions tolerable under the law, disobedience is said to be civil. But if this is so, why then would someone or group seeking to change an order of the day elects to use civil disobedience over other forms of political protestations? One widely held notion is that civil disobedience, unlike other forms of political protestations, seeks to expose some form of discreditable injustices and those who perpetrate them. As a way of fighting back, perpetrators tend to even up with those who bring up these shameful issues.

The intended outcome of using civil disobedience in the case study was to positively impact public policy in a way that will reform the shameful judicial and legislative injustices of the day.  The judicial system was weak and riddled with bribery, crowded dockets, blatant disregard of constitutional issues, such that those remanded in custody pending judges arraignments spend years in prisons without having to see a judge for the first time. In some instances, people were not read or advice of their rights through Miranda, right to bond or bail, right to attorney privileges, etc. There was this widely held belief that there was no justice for the poor. On the judicial aspect, government officials (senators, reps, cabinet officials) acted with impunity, laws were made that benefitted only those who made them over the rest of society. In addition, there were many unresolved post war issues, including land reforms, concession agreements, restructuring of security apparatus, redistricting issues, constitutional reform (i.e., provisional decrees like 88A which has to do with press censoring), civil service reforms, etc.

There are many ethical implications when interest/pressure groups collaboratively use civil disobedience and other legally acceptable means such as lobbying, to have the many judicial and legislative reforms addressed.  While these groups may direct their resources towards specific legislative and judicial concerns, the characteristics of those legislations of interests are important factors worth considering (Victor, 2007). 

Hence, interest and pressure groups have been able to infiltrate the system by liaising with those members of congress and other networking affiliates to obtain key information on the perceptions of targeted legislations, the level of nuances of those affiliated congress people and other insiders on targeted legislations visa vie, public knowledge; existing opinions on particular legislations, and the processes to block or stop legislations. Two related issues on this, have to do with ways to obtain right of way to carry on with a protest after failing to obtain a permit from city hall.

Accordingly, Gais and Walker (1991) as cited by Victor (2007, p. 827) suggested that though a compounded process,  interest groups wishing to reform or change the outcome of a specific bill, say police reform, may want to know the level of active efforts within the legislature on this issue. Those who are opposed to civil disobedience have three major concerns, that it is chaotic and produce no results; that the precedence of breaking the law to correct a set of rights in and of itself, threatens every other right out there; as evident by the widespread anarchy, looting, street carnage, shutdown of basic services, civil disobedience regardless the intent, is the wrong approach in that it symbolizes that it is right to infringe on the rights of others, as long as the intention is to correct an injustice; that it has some related consequences in that innocent bystanders are affected one way or the other—besides, it eliminates the aspect of civil dialogue through persuasion, which is a composite part of any functional democracy, and replaces same with intimidation and command (Haiman, 1967).

 One interesting ethical dilemma of civil disobedience is the fact that governments are obligated nationally and internationally to encourage free dialogue as long as it is peaceful, and equally so, those same governments are bound by their national laws to protect the rights of other citizens who are not parties to the protest.

As mentioned under the ethical concerns, civil disobedience though meant to create awareness to a set of wrongs, is also fraught with many diversity issues. What it considers most, is the injustice or wrongs it hopes to correct, regardless the unintended consequences. With that being said, civil disobedience may not take into account, the rights of other demographics either considered as prime target of the protest, or not a part of those it seeks to protect. For instance, African American demanding civil rights from White dominated government may tend to target all Whites regardless their alignments; or the same group will only seek its own interests and not others.

In the same token, advocating for the rights of one set of minorities could benefit all minorities under the same privilege class based on what John Rawl considered as fair cooperation for mutual advantage liberty—such that those fundamental structures that are valuable to one class, could be idealistic in recognizing the ethics of fairness (Rawls, 1985). For instance, an effort to seek wage opportunities for women may benefit part time or temporary employees who are not on benefits. Consequently, Rawl’s principle of liberty and equality which holds that what benefits one, benefits all. Secondly, under socio-economic disparity, as long as a group falls under a minority under privileged class, it can benefit under a protected class privilege.

In the case study, communities which participated in the civil disobedience were seeking legislative and judicial reforms for all citizens. However, most women and children who joined the demonstration did so with the hope of enacting legislations that protected their rights (i.e., child support, longer and more drastic punishments for sex offenders, child abuse, children’s rights to education, equal access of women to public offices, and others).

Another issue of diversity was securing retirement opportunities for retirees. The challenges these demands posited to the central authority were largely fiscal. In a society where the gap between the haves and have-nots is extremely wide, granting equal socio-economic opportunities to all is costly. Furthermore, the cost of associated with repealing and enacting laws, plus running referendums is also a costly and difficult process.  

But the introduction of information technology (E-democracy) to handle processes in political governance among the parties involved (the press, government, political institutions, elected officials, and electorates/citizens), to some extent have not only enabled broader level of participation among these parties, through the use of the internet, wireless communication, and others, a greater number of public policy issues have come to be handled relatively shortly. The availability of information technology has encouraged broader citizen participation in the democratic process—closed the gap that once divided citizens from their law makers, and to some extent, overturned those skepticisms or distrusts that clouted citizens toward their public institutions (Franke-Ruta, 2003; Stockwell, 2001).  

In the case study, participants of the civil disobedience used social media via internet, Facebook, Twitter, Youtube, wireless mobile, podcasting, e-networking, and others to rally at various designated centers. Other means participants used in the process to interact with each other, included, but not limited to wireless messaging (SMS texting), ListServs, in-network blogging opportunities, internet chatting, RSS feeds, electronic mailing list, peer-to-peer, and radio-television via the internet. Novak and Hoffman (1998) argued that not only does the internet possess many features that promote creative thinking about all aspects, including democratic governance; it provides a decentralized access that escapes the usual governmental censorship that bounds the broadcast media.

Besides, Norris (2001) held that the internet draws people much closer with renewed energies towards broader civic commitment and involvement—and the better educated people are of public issues, the more trustworthy they become of the process, and  the more they are eager to participate and engage governments in wider public policy matters.

According to a 2008 publication by the Center for Digital Government, the internet provides easy access to important information that provides impetuses for broader civic engagement, such as access to legislations, public policy agendas—essentially, as a tool the internet has cut through those difficulties posed by distance to important information.  In addition, the use of information technology and communication (ICT), keeps those in the vanguard in touch with their followers in a succinct manner at every aspect of the process—in line with uniting people under a common front and a unique philosophy (Frissen, 2008; Kubicek & Westholm, 2007). 

The emergence of the internet along with information technology to expedite political expedience has its own downside. For instance, while the leaders of the demonstrators were successful to attract the youths of the society who are technologically savvy, to raise the level of awareness that is necessarily required for a civil disobedience, not all those who will like to participate have internet access, or other means of monitoring events.

But there are areas of the state that entirely cut off from mainstream events. In discussing some of the disadvantages of political participation using the internet and other information technologies, Komito (2007) cited the likelihood of democratic governance slicking into demagogic-pluralism, and the inability of those vast majority still living under the poverty line who cannot afford these amenities in place of other essentials of life—plus there is greater cynicism on the effect of the internet on political participation.   

Conclusion

The use of civil disobedience as a means of collaborating with others representing divergent interests, is a great way to cooperatively influence public policy decision making. And in so far as civil disobedience is blended with information technology, the process can become diverse. Even though civil disobedience owes its root to David Henry Thoreau, the modernization of this concept with the use of the internet and other information communication technology, often referred to as ‘hacktivsm’, is not only attracting a much wider audience, it is venturing beyond those political landscapes the likes of Dr. Martin Luther King and Mahatma Gandhi were unable to tap.  Now known as electronic civil disobedience (ECD), cyber civil disobedience has its own damning impact on democratic governance—the impacts the Wikileaks and the wave of civil of mass disobedience currently sweeping the world through the use of Facebook and twitter are simply tips of the iceberg.

The actual impacts of civil disobedience as a tool of voicing political dissent, or influencing public policy reforms are firmly ingrained in the Vietnam War, the Civil Rights struggle led by Dr. Martin Luther King, and the recent uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and to some extent, Libya. As cited in Agnone (2007), these two historical events—the former help shaped the dovish senate votes on ending the war in Vietnam, while the latter brought up some tremendous policy changes as contained in the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In addition, Olzak (2004) as cited in Agnone (2007) discovered that interest groups and social movement organizations were instrumental in the ratification of policy amendments. In concluding, no matter the outcome or impact that civil disobedience has on public policy, it can never be undertaken in isolation of the media. As a matter fact, research has shown that even when undertaken in consonance with the media, civil disobedience will still fall short if it fails the public opinion scrutiny.     

References

Agnone, J. (2007). Amplifying public opinion: The policy impact of the U.S. environmental movement. Social Forces, 85(4), 1593-1620, University of North Carolina Press, available at http://staff.washington.edu/agnone/agnone_sf2007.pdf

Brownlee, K. (2010). "Civil Disobedience", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Spring 2010 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.), available at http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2010/entries/civil-disobedience/> .

Calabrese, A. (2004). Virtual nonviolence? Civil disobedience and political violence in the information age, Info, 6(5), 326-338. Available at Emerald Insight.

Center for Digital Government (2008). Engage: Creating e-Government that supports commerce, collaboration, community and common Wealth, available at http://www.nicusa.com/Pages/default.aspx

Franke-Ruta, G. (2003). Virtual politics: How the internet is transforming democracy. The American Prospect, 14 (9), 6-8.

Frissen, V. A. J. (2008). The E-mancipation of the citizen and the future of e-government: Reflections on ICT and citizens’ participation. In A. Anttiroiko (Ed.), Electronic Government, 6(1), 4070-4084, obtained from the Concepts, methodologies, tools and applications New York: Information Science Reference.

Haiman, F. S. (1967). The rhetoric of the streets: Some legal and ethical considerations. The Quarterly Journal of Speech, 3(2), 100-117, available at 360 Links, Walden Library.

Komito, L. (2007). Community and inclusion: The impact of new communications technologies. Irish Journal of Sociology, 16(2), 77-96.

Kubicek, H., & Westholm, H. (2007). Scenarios for future use of e-democracy tools in Europe. In D.F. Norris, Current issues and trends in e-government research (pp.203-223). Hershey: Cybertech Publishing.

Markovits, D. (2005). Democratic disobedience. The Yale Law Journal, 114(8), 1897-1953, New Haven, CT.

McMorrow, J. A. (1991). Civil disobedience and the lawyer’s obligation to the law. Boston College Law School Faculty Papers, 48(139), 138-164, Boston, MA. Available at http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1064&context=lsfp

Norris, P. (2001). Digital divide: Civic engagement, information poverty, and the Internet worldwide. Cambridge: University Press

Novak, T., & Hoffman, D. (1998). Bridging the Digital Divide: The Impact of Race on Computer Access and Internet Use. Nashville: Vanderbilt University.

Rawls, J. (1985). Justice and fairness: Political not metaphysical. Philosophy and Public Affairs, 14(3), 223-251. Available at http://philosophyfaculty.ucsd.edu/faculty/rarneson/Courses/RawlsJustice.pdf

Stich, B., & Miller, C. R. (2008). Using the advocacy coalition framework to understand freight transportation policy change, Public Works Management Policy, 13(1), 62-74.

Stockwell, S. (2001). Hacking democracy: The work of the global citizen. The Southern Review, 34 (3), 87-103

The Universal Declaration on Human Rights available at http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/index.shtml

Victor, J. N. (2007). Strategic lobbying: Demonstrating how legislative context affects interest groups’ lobbying tactics. American Politics Research, 35(6), 826-845.

SOFT POWER AS A COUNTER MEASURE AGAINST GLOBAL TERRORISM: SOCIAL MEDIA WITHIN EMERGING MIDDLE EASTERN DEMOCRACIES

Edmond R Gray

Research Associate
The Wish Center

Abstract: Through quantitative method, this research demonstrated that by complimenting hard power with soft power to fight terrorism, the war on terror will not only end quickly, it will be less costly than using only military power.  According to Joseph Nye (2006), “soft power is used by states, non-state actors, non-governmental agencies, and other international political players.” The exclusive use of military power, economic and enhanced interrogation techniques to counter terrorism has been quite successful.  However, failure to compliment hard power with soft power has prolonged the war on terror and made it much expensive to sustain. Consequently, through the use of television, Facebook and Twitter, social media play a big role in the diffusion of power from all states to non-state actors (Nye, 2004). Moreover, in an information age, not just whose army wins, but whose story is also heard. This study illustrated the role social media plays in ending the war on terror. To further illustrate the assertion that behavior can be influenced with a set of variables, a multiple linear regression test was done. The plot conducted for that analysis indicates that in the multiple linear regression analysis, there is no tendency in the error terms. When that happens, the graph appears as a staircase.

Introduction

This research used quantitative methodology to evaluate the possibility of blending smart power and soft power to end the war on terror.  According to Joseph Nye (2006), “not only is soft power used by states, but by non-state actors, non-governmental agencies, and other international political players.” The exclusive use of military power, economic and enhanced interrogation techniques to counter terrorism has produced mixed results so far.  However, failure to compliment hard power with soft power has prolonged the war on terror and made it quite expensive to sustain. Consequently, through the use of television, Facebook and Twitter, social media play a big role in the diffusion of power from all states to non-state actors (Nye, 2004). Moreover, in an information age, not just whose army wins, but whose story is also heard. This study fully demonstrated the role of social media in ending the war on terror. The problem of this research is that using only hard power, which is military might, economic and enhanced interrogation methods will costly and prolong the war on terror if it is not complimented with soft power.

The purpose of this research is to evaluate the likelihood of ending the war on terror if the counterterrorist strategy includes soft power. This study demonstrated that using more persuasive methods (soft power) will quickly end terrorism, than hard power alone. Studies have shown that the exclusive use of hard power by the United States and its allies is influencing great deal of anti-western sentiments, including grievances, anger, revenge, and strains among terrorists and their sympathizers (Raman, 2007; Kochan, 2008; Agnew, 2010). This study looked at how soft power defuses these sentiments that lead to terrorism.

The question to be addressed in this research is: Does complimenting hard power with soft power diffuse terrorism sentiments? Hypothetically: Does influencing the behavior of someone change his or her attitude?

The answers to these questions are supported by a set of non-experimental designs (relational designs), which tested the variables or similar variables said to influence terrorism. Mostly, relational designs or correlational studies measure a range of variables, which are connected to a particular event (Adèr, Mellenbergh, & Hand, 2008). In addition, each dependent variable (i.e., anger, grievance, revenge and strains), which is said to be influenced by hard power, is tested on a set of multiple linear regression. In addition, the central tendency and dispersion of each variable is further evaluated in terms of its relationship to terrorism (independent variable), its frequency of occurrence through graphs and charts.  For this analysis, the theory of planned behavior will be tested against a set of independent and dependent variables to determine their correlation to terrorism. Accordingly, theory of planned behavior is a theory about the correlation between attitude and behavior (Sniehotta, 2009).

Problem

Hard power is the use of military might, economic and enhanced interrogation methods. Failure on the part of the United States to compliment hard power with soft power is why the war against terrorism has not only prolonged, but proven quite costly to maintain.

Purpose

This study will demonstrate that using more persuasive methods (soft power) will quickly end terrorism, than using only hard power.

Studies have shown that the exclusive use of hard power by the United States and its allies is influencing great deal of anti-western sentiments, including grievances, anger, revenge, and strains among terrorists and their sympathizers (Raman, 2007; Kochan, 2008; Agnew, 2010). This study looked at how soft power defuses these sentiments that lead to terrorism.

Research Questions

The question to be addressed in this research is: Does complimenting hard power with soft power diffuse terrorism sentiments? Hypothetically: Does influencing the behavior of someone change their attitude?

Research Theory

For this research, the theory of planned behavior will be tested against a set of independent and dependent variables to determine their correlation to terrorism. Accordingly, theory of planned behavior is a theory about the correlation between attitude and behavior (Sniehotta, 2009).

Research Audience

The audiences for this study are those policy makers who are involved with the war on terror, students of social science, non-state actors, such as international organizations that are seeking peaceful means as alternative measures to end the war on terror, treatment facilities, and civic society. The collection of data is mostly through observation of inmates, interviews, gathering of document and other public records such as past cases that have been decided in federal courts (Creswell, 2009). In order to evolve concrete findings, this study utilized a triangulation design. The aim is to be able to combine the stronger aspects of the non-experimental designs. This will also provide the opportunity to compare and contrast various findings. Whenever the outcomes or findings of a research correlate, they tend to internally or externally solidify or validate the study (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005).  

Summary of Literature

Since the war on terror was officially declared by the Bush administration in 2001, the Department of Homeland Security has done exceptionally well in marshaling the resources of the United States government in preventing further terrorist attacks against America, interests and allies.  Moreover, these efforts of the Department of Homeland Security have yielded optimistic results (Chertoff, 2008).  Thus, assessing these results fairly, the United States is much securely safer today. However, it would be erroneous to profess that the threat presented by terrorism no longer holds today.  For instance, according to a National Intelligence Estimate published in July, 2007, the threat of terrorism over the United States and its allies, by al Qaeda and like-minded organizations is relentlessly evolving.  Accordingly, the adherents to al Qaeda’s violent and extremist ideology continue to pose threats to civilization. Furthermore, Joseph Nye (2004) stated that “the primary goal of extremists is to gain full access to modern technology and far greater destructive capabilities for future globally use.”

Moreover, studies agreed that the use of military action and other smart power options like economics and enhanced interrogation methods by the United States and its allies to fight terrorism have so far proven successful. Those successes included, but not limited to the removal of the Taliban from power in Afghanistan, killing Osama Bin Laden and a number of his loyalists, significantly weakening al Qaeda, deposing of Saddam Hussein). In addition, key terrorism enablers like communications, finance, and travel have practically been paralyzed or frustrated (Krieger & Meierrieks, 2010; Garfinkle, 2004; Friedman, 2004).  As a result, these gains have prevented terrorists from entering the United States, and sometimes capturing, stopping or killing them before traveling.

Consequently, to prevent further growth of terrorism and loss of recent gains, the United States should find means of wining nations and people who are sympathetic to the goals of terrorism by complementing the use of hard or smart power with soft power.  While it is necessary to use smart power to combat terrorism, not complimenting it with soft power shortens the road to permanent victory in the war against terror (Nye, 2008; Chertoff, 2008). Accordingly, the fight against terrorism should not only focus on preventing terrorists from attacking the United States and its allies, but must prevent people from being recruited by terrorist organizations. Doing so entails addressing the variables that are mostly considered key in the growth of terrorism: existence of extremism within politically failed Third World economies.

The idea of complimenting smart power with soft power is one, which has been fully supported by some studies. For instance, according to Martha Crenshaw (2007), “understanding the motivations and steps to radicalization are two factors, which democratic government can adapt to fight terrorism.” Moreover, understanding that the threats of terrorism cannot be entirely defeated is a factor to acknowledge while strategizing against terrorism.  Similarly, David Omand (2005) contended that, “the lack of a theoretical based framework is an obstacle to understanding the precise strategy to end terrorism.” Furthermore, simply eradicating the ideological base of terrorism will not end terrorism, without completely changing the fundamental ideology.  Accordingly, changing the ideology base of causes of terrorism requires soft power.

However, in order to improve on the meaning of terrorism based on ideology, Chava Frankfort-Nachmias and David Nachmias (2009) recommended a method of measuring dependent variable (terrorism) at various levels in terms of its scope, intensity, and frequency. Consequently, this is based on the assumption that certain independent variables influence low and high levels terrorism (e.g., revenge, anger, grievance, etc.). According to J. I. Ross (1996), each form of terrorism has different pattern of causation.  Measuring cause and effect is an important aspect of any study. For this analysis, in order to validate the assertion that ideology and other psychological factors sustain terrorism, there is the need to measure for accuracy.

Measurement entails the assigning of numbers or other empirical symbols properties (variables) based on a set of rules (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 2009 p.139). Incompleteness of data affects how it is analyzed in a number of ways. The classic example is when we draw a probable with the aim of using inferential statistics to answer questions about a population (USGAO, 1992). Hence, to prove the accuracy of a data, not only should the variables be effectively measured, instrument used to measure must be validated also.

To test and re-test this research, it is suggested to administer the measuring instrument to the same group or population at least twice. In addition, compute the correlation between the two sets of observations or scores (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 2009). Moreover, since measuring instruments are rarely completely or equally valid, evidence of validity may be almost lacking. As such, most researchers estimate reliability by one or more of the following methods: test – retest, parallel-forms, and split half.

This research takes into account that knowing the level of measurement is very important, in that it helps with the process of interpreting the data from the variables (Trochim and Donnelly, 2007). In addition, collection of data in the social sciences entails measurement of perceptions, cognitions, opinions, and other latent constructs that can’t be measured directly (Garger, 2010). There are four levels of measurements considered in this analysis. Nominal is the lowest of the measurements, which will be the level of measurement for this analysis.

Since this is a quantitative analysis, using nominal level of measurement is not uncommon. Usually, variables measured on a nominal scale are often referred to as categorical or qualitative variables (Lane, 2010). The variables in the analysis are terrorism, religious preference, age of respondent, and others, a Likert Scale would have been used if this were a real study. The reason being, it is effective in obtaining consistent surveys responses, and also allows respondents to provide feedbacks, which can be slightly more expansive than simple close-ended questions. Moreover, it is much easier to quantify than a completely open-ended response. A Likert Scale lists a set of statements (not questions) and provides a 5-6-point scale for which the participant can state his or her opinions (Parnaby, 2007).  At this level, numbers of other symbols are used to classify objects or events into categories that are names, classes of qualitative characteristics.

For this analysis, multiple regression tables are used. Ordinal relation requires the equivalence level to hold for all the cases in the same rank, whereas, the > relation holds between any pair of ranks. Interval level is the exact distant between the observation. For this reason, at the interval level of measurement, the differences between observations are isomorphic to the structure of the arithmetic used with the associated values. Therefore, ratio levels are variables that have absolute and fixed natural zero points (such as the frequency of worship) can be measured. Additionally, variables that can be measured at the ratio level can also be measured at interval, ordinal and nominal levels. As a rule, properties that can be measured at a higher level can also be measured at a lower level, but not vice versa. As such, empirical research in the social sciences requires both accurate and reliable measures (Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias, 2009).

 The population or respondents of this analysis will come from Facebook, Twitter, and other social media entities. This analysis used religion and religious believers. In order to validate its content, this analysis must cover all the attributes of the concept of terrorism and all possible variables that lead to terrorism. The measuring instrument must be empirically valid, and the measuring instrument and the measured outcomes must be in sync. And lastly, the research has to relate to the theoretical framework and other variables being covered, so as to determine its logical conclusion.  Moreover, caution must be taken to avoid errors, or not to influence the validity of the conclusions drawn from testing the hypotheses (Creswell, 2009). Hence, experimental designs, individuals or other units or analysis are randomly assigned to the experimental and controlled groups, and the independent variable is introduced only to the experimental group.

For this analysis, a standard regression test will be done using data from SPSS. Krieger & Meierrieks (2010) argued that, “standard regression models require that the dependent variable is random and continuous.  However, since this analysis is not dealing with an actual population sample, it will only analyze the correlation of a set of descriptive variables. For instance, in the following multiple regressions, the outcome or dependent variable (terrorism) is single, with multiple predictors. Here the dependent variable regresses on all of the predictor variables in the data set.

This example is based on a 2006 FBI’s crime statistics. The rational for using this example is to show the relationship between the respondent’s faith, age and patter or frequency of worship. The idea is to determine whether age and level of belief are correlated to belief (ideology).  The hypothesis of this analysis is high religious affiliation creates room for terrorism affiliation.  The effect of those who frequently attend religious worship is measured by age and religious preference.  According to S. Green and N. Salkind (2011), the first step to a multiple linear regression test is to determine whether there is a linear relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable. Based on the scatter plots, the indication is that there is a good linear relationship between frequency of worship, worshiper’s age, and religious affiliation.

The descriptive table below tells us the different variables.

Descriptive Statistics
	Mean	Std. Deviation	N
RS RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE	2.28	2.290	1486
HOW OFTEN R ATTENDS RELIGIOUS SERVICES	3.85	2.722	1486
AGE OF RESPONDENT	46.17	16.707	1486

The second table shows the multiple linear regression model summary and overall fit statistics. In this test, the adjusted R² of our model is 0.029 with the R² = 0.049 that means that the linear regression explains 4.9% of the variance in the data. The Durbin-Watson d = 1.959, which is between the two critical values of 1.5 < d < 2.5 and therefore we can assume that there is no first order linear auto-correlation in the multiple linear regression data.

Model Summaryc
Model		R	R Square	Adjusted R Square	Std. Error of the Estimate	Durbin-Watson
dimension0	1	.172a	.030	.029	2.257
	2	.225b	.051	.049	2.233	1.959
a. Predictors: (Constant), AGE OF RESPONDENT
b. Predictors: (Constant), AGE OF RESPONDENT, HOW OFTEN R ATTENDS RELIGIOUS SERVICES
c. Dependent Variable: RS RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE

The next table below is the t-test, the linear regression’s t-test has the null hypothesis that there is no linear relationship between the variables (in other words R²=0). Testing for variables relating to ideology like religious belief, the t-test is highly significant, thus we can assume that there is a linear relationship between the variables in our model.

ANOVAc
Model		Sum of Squares	df	Mean Square	F	Sig.
1	Regression	230.362	1	230.362	45.216	.000a
	Residual	7560.515	1484	5.095
	Total	7790.878	1485
2	Regression	395.586	2	197.793	39.664	.000b
	Residual	7395.291	1483	4.987
	Total	7790.878	1485
a. Predictors: (Constant), AGE OF RESPONDENT
b. Predictors: (Constant), AGE OF RESPONDENT, HOW OFTEN R ATTENDS RELIGIOUS SERVICES
c. Dependent Variable: RS RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE

The next table below shows the multiple linear regression estimates including the intercept and the significance levels.In our stepwise multiple linear regression analysis it was discovered that a non-significant intercept but highly significant level of religious attendance coefficient, which can be interpreted as the higher the respondent’s the more they are likely to increase their rate of worship.

Coefficientsa
Model		Unstandardized Coefficients		Standardized Coefficients	t	Sig.	Collinearity Statistics
		B	Std. Error	Beta			Tolerance	VIF
1	(Constant)	3.364	.172		19.546	.000
	AGE OF RESPONDENT	-.024	.004	-.172	-6.724	.000	1.000	1.000
2	(Constant)	3.719	.181		20.536	.000
	AGE OF RESPONDENT	-.021	.003	-.153	-5.990	.000	.983	1.017
	HOW OFTEN R ATTENDS RELIGIOUS SERVICES	-.124	.021	-.147	-5.756	.000	.983	1.017
a. Dependent Variable: RS RELIGIOUS PREFERENCE

Through sampling, units required to conduct tests are selected. In the above example, the unit or population was drawn from those who three criteria, age, religious preference, and frequency of worship. To select randomly, the presumed population must have equal probabilities of choice (Trochim & Donnelly, 2007). However, a distorted population size skews, which can impact the outcome or credibility of the research. For instance, a classic example is drawing a probability sample and hoping to use inferential statistics to answer to a question such as the one asked in this analysis: Does influencing the behavior of someone change their attitude?

The sampling strategy used for this analysis is probability sampling known for its representativeness and its ability to minimize errors, which can be controlled. The strength of the sampling strategy is that every sampling unit of the population has an equal and known probability of being included. However, the weakness is an exclusive reliance on non-probability techniques (convenience, purposive and quota sample techniques), which is also known as particularly purposeful sampling (Pearson Education, 2010).

A probability sample is distinguished by the ability to specify the probability at which each sampling unit of the population will be included in the sample. In the simplest case, all units of a population have the same probability of being included in the sample (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias, 2009). Accordingly, another factor to consider is the cost of the research and how practical the study would be. Therefore, if cost and other practical limitations do not enter into the decision about the sample size, there is no difficulty in determining the desired size. Studies have indicated that “generalization has to do with the external validity of the study (Cook & Campbell, 1979; Shadish, Cook & Campbell, 2002, p. 34).

For instance, in a randomized controlled trial involving 409 women recruited from various family planning clinics in Northern California, which evaluated the efficacy of skill training design to increase the use of condom among women, chose the experimental design method over others (Choi, Hoff, Gregorich, Grinstead, Gomez & Hussey, 2008). The relevance of the randomized controlled trial of 409 women to this analysis is that they are both behavioral studies that looked at variables such as race, attitude, and race. 

Additionally, Frankfort-Nachmias and Nachmias (2009, p. 104) agreed with the idea that in experimental designs, individuals or other units of analysis are randomly assigned to the experimental and control groups, and the independent variable is introduced only to the experimental group. Such designs allow for comparison, control, manipulation, and, usually, generalizability.  The outcome of this study may be generalized only to the variables covered in the test. Secondly, there is always the possibility of having an oversized sample for studies, which openly invite study participants (Choi et al., 2008). Therefore, a better approach to selecting study participants is securitizing them. Not only is this key to social science, it brings credibility to the study.

The ethical concerns raised in the 1971 Stanford Prison Experiment serve as synergy to this study. Firstly, participation in this study would be fully consensual—no one will participate through survey and other means, if he/she has not consented after full or partial disclosures have been made. To achieve this goal, this study has been designed to incorporate the basic moral values surrounding the various legal and ethical research implications (Creswell, 2009; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005).

Accordingly, using force is not only discouraged, all financial and other potential benefits to participants will be fully disclosed before hand to research participants—in other words, every participant must provide informed consent only after fully understanding the potential risks, mentally and physically, that may come up in the study. Besides, the stress of participants’ confidentiality is not only an ethical concern that must be upheld in this study, it is a legal obligation as well.

Consequently, confidential concerns mostly apply to those participants, such as rehabilitated terrorists, or those serving prison times for acts of terrorism, which are imminently in danger of hurting themselves and others.  The ensure that these and other ethical standards are protected, there is an Institutional Review Board (IRB) that will established by Walden to assist in reviewing this study against all potential ethical violations against participants.  This study has also adopted codes to help protect subjects and further guide the direction of the research—autonomous participation, non-malfeasance (ensuring that participants are not intentionally hurt by the study), but beneficence (rewarding to participants), treat all human subjects in a just manner regardless of race, tribe, color and creed, fidelity (i.e., ensuring that promises to participants are honestly honored), genuineness (being truthful). Moreover, in addition to the ethical expectations set by the IRB, Creswell (2009) has listed a number of ethical expectations established by the research profession which this study will be utilizing. 

Conclusion

The plot from the multiple linear regression test conducted for this analysis indicates that in this multiple linear regression analysis has no tendency in the error terms. When that happens, the graph appears as a staircase. This analysis presented an overview of existing literature on complimenting hard power with soft power from a theory-based framework on the development of counterterrorism strategies. Consistent with the multiplicity of literature, which provided an array of counterterrorism strategies, the emphasis is mostly on the use of hard power.  However, the gap in counterterrorism strategies exists in the absence of a coherent strategy that blends hard and soft powers, yet to be formulated.  The inclination from the literature, suggests the need for the development of multicultural strategies that suggest a shift from smart power to diplomacy.

This analysis also conducted a multivariate linear test to be able to determine whether it is possible to determine the assertion that the causes of terrorism are psychologically connected to a set of testable behaviors, which can been influenced positively through communication, economic and social variables.  Furthermore, in the conflict of ideas, words count. However, though critical, good deeds by themselves are not enough. They have to be accompanied by a consistent level of ideological messages that covert the minds of terrorists and those sympathetic to their causes.

This research will serve as a viable alternative to the smart and hard traditional methods used to counter terrorism. In addition, it will serve as a guide for public administrators, diplomats, and nonprofit organizations looking for ways to positively impact likely terrorists and their sympathizers. Moreover, the research will articulate the various means of spreading cultural and political influences among emerging democracies through social networking and other traditional methods (i.e., radio and TV).

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