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Saturday, September 11, 2010

Observation on the Performance of the Ellen J. Sirleaf Administration


By Edmond R. Gray
Senior Executive Service
A Donor Sponsored Program
 

Part 1
What?

In 2005, I graciously supported the presidential bid of Mrs. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. This was mostly based on personal reasons. Instinctively, she was simply the better. Given her aging thirst to lead Liberia, I was filled with certainty that this granny will make the difference. In cyberspace, I butted heads and fiercely wrestled with those who detested her crave to win. Many became very angry and frustrated with me. They vandalized personal effects, threatened family members, and hurled insults. Some even barred our much travel habits. In a country like the United States, where the right to move freely, is a fundamental law of the land, having your movements restricted is painful. I can only say that people were vexed because, no one wants to lose. A few others cried out that job was the overarching force behind my unwavering support for Ellen. And I bet, others will say, the denial to get a job with the Ellen’s administration, is the reason for this. At any rate, politics is nothing but a hype of self interests. I want my critics to deal with the content of this literature, and not me.

Ellen has painstakingly built a power empire. And within it, are those who have cleverly mend a stupefied firewall of thievery, corruption, and bigotry. There are the Aunt Martha and the Estrada Bernard, members of the Ellen’s courtship that are deeply entrenched into this new cycle of nepotism. Sorry for the slip of tongue. But I promise that this analysis offers a far more noble substance than that. Of course, there will from time to time be these grotesque descriptions of events, depending on their anomalies. To say the least, Ellen’s pace has not matched the fierce sense of urgency that characterized her selection by the Liberian people.

In the fall of 2008, I was hired by an internationally-independent human resource consultancy firm, to work as a County Development Officer (CDO), in Grand Cape Mount, Liberia. The post was one of many positions that were created for what the United Nations and World Bank officials termed, ‘the best and the brightest’. To clarify the doubts, these were not some of the politically truncated positions that leaders of factions nailed each other for. Or, those that the Aunt Martha may want to preserve for her kindred. These were for you and me with the much needed credentials. One does not necessarily have to know the President, her buddies, and, or cabinet officials, to get one. Firstly, those selected are vetted by an independent vetting firm. The Civil Service Agency announces the positions publicly, receives applications and resumes. These are then passed on to the vetting agency for evaluation. A list of successful candidates is then passed on to a Senior Selection Committee comprising of representatives from government, the donors, and the SES. This committee conducts interviews and decides who gets the job.

Why the SES?

In President Sirleaf’s words, SES personnel will strengthen public administration capacity, and act as change agents in the reform process. SES staffs also provide managerial leadership in various areas; implement government’s priority programs, nozzle an atmosphere of professionalism. In addition, they are expected to be credible. Against this backdrop, the government of Liberia established a goal of sound economic planning and policy; reforming the public sector; strengthen key institutions, especially the judiciary. Establish and enforce codes of conducts; promote transparency, including a freedom of information laws, and a whistle-blower statute (See Governance Reform Policy on CSA).

The Money

According to the Civil Service Agency (CSA), the Government of Liberia made a lip commitment to provide US$100,000 for a redirected workers program (RWP). A total of US$1 million is needed to implement RWP. There is a funding gap in excess of US$900,000. The Department for International Development of the United Kingdom (DFID) aided Liberia’s public sector reform efforts with a purse of US$2 million. On its part, World Bank extended to Liberia, a total of US$900,000 to support governance efforts. In addition, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) made an initial commitment of US$800,000 to the SES program. A gap of US$9 million is needed for the SES program. The SES program is also funded by other donors like the US government; Germany, Greece, and Humanity United. According to Madam Sirleaf, over 90% of the money needed to finance the SES program is on hand.

Statement of the Facts

On March 2009, County Development Officers (CDOs) were deployed to their various areas of operations. The deployment came two months after a bitter and futile debate on the implementation of an important piece of the work contract that was signed between the County Development Officers and the Government of Liberia. The outcome of that fruitless debate will be discussed later. This contract is a performance based agreement. What do I mean? It means that every party should perform as agreed. The CDOs were to execute a term of reference (work order) to its fullest. The Senior Executive Service program is managed by a Program Implementation Committee. “The day to day activities of the SES Program are carried out by a Program Secretariat referred to as the Program Management Unit. Financial contributions from the Donor Partners are channeled through the Program Management Unit of the Senior Executive Service Program.  Oversight responsibility for the activities of the Program Management Unit is shared between the Civil Service Agency, representing the Government of Liberia and the United Nations Development Program, representing the Development Partners. The Senior Executive Service Program (SES), of which the CDO position is a part, was mainly created to beef up Liberia’s national capacity efforts. Simply put, the scheme was intended to develop a fresh generation of senior public servants within the Civil Service Agency (CSA). SES personnel will take “possession” of Liberia’s reform process (Civil Service Agency Policy).

The portion of the performance contract which the Government of Liberia is to honor is spelled out under Annex C. This mandates the Ministry of Planning to provide all CDOs with an ‘adequately furnished office space, transportation for carrying out official duties, adequate communication facilities required for contract execution, ample office equipment and logistics (Source, SES Performance Contract, 2008)’. Under the Aide Memoir, the Ministry of Planning in collaboration with the Liberian Reconstruction and Development Committee, Office of the President, Ministry of Internal Affairs and LISGIS endorsed the contract. Such recognition was clear stated in clear language “that to ensure the effective coordination and implementation of the national development agenda at the county level, structures like the Office of the County Development Officer (CDO) and the M&E Assistant engaged with the monitoring and evaluation process, were to be strengthened (Source, Aide Memoir, 2008)”. Accordingly, the goal was to ensure the successful monitoring of overall national progress towards the goals of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). The PRS is one of the important vehicles through which the government of Liberia should help Liberia to recover from the pittance of war. This recovery tool has four components: Security, Infrastructure and Basic Services, Economic Revitalization, and Governance and Rule of Law.  

This monograph is an excerpt from a national security paper written by Retired Colonel Edmond R. Gray, a former army intelligence officer. He is a public policy expert, and can be reached at remiegray@gmail.com

Friday, September 10, 2010

I Will Not Take the Liberian Government to Court for the Irresponsible Attitude of Sebastian Muah. By Edmond R. Gray

Calls have been pouring in that I bring a law suit against the Liberian Government for the irresponsible manner in which, the Deputy Minister of Planning for Policy, Sebastian Muah, discussed my employment privacy on Facebook. Firstly, let me make it crystal clear, I will not glorify the misfit naivety of a post 1990 high school graduate. People like Sebastian crave for the spotlight, and are keen to exploit the slightest opportunity just to gain attention. His yearns for excessive attention is a deficiency and a part of what the Rev. Martin Luther King calls, the Drum Major Instinct. Today it comes in different shapes and sizes. There is the ADHD, the ADD, and so on. He can take the attention deficit test if he wants (Adult ADHD/ADD Quiz). Besides, an attempt to make this young man, the object of a discussion, puts Liberia and other national debates like corruption, the PRS, secondary.

Why would a Sebastian Muah want to risk his cabinet position, simply, to put me down? He had to present me improbable and as one who lacks the moral uprightness to criticize the Ellen administration. But the answer is obvious. There is not a lot that this Ellen Policy Chief can account for besides few PC languages. Every national establishment comes with a baggage of rotten apples that includes the likes of a Sebastian Muah. What is the big deal? Our generation can hardly remember the bad smell of the Harrison Penue, Jack the Rebel, Chucky Taylor, and some other funky power crazed duds.

Monitoring and evaluation (M&E) is one of the main reasons why County Development Officers were hired in the first place. The ministry of planning which includes Sebastian’s office is part of the government functionaries that CDOs are required to watch and report to the SES and PIC about. This is done to encourage transparency in the spending of donor’s monies. How could one ministry which is in the middle of those establishments that are to be monitored given the function of supervising those who are to watch its activities? There is no need to look under Muah’s ministerial duties for the answer, you won’t see it there (http://mopea.gov.lr/content.php?sub=81&related=1&res=81&third=81).

Under the SES Performance Contract, an effort to suppress the authority of the Civil Service Agency is discouraged. For instance, not only did Muah and company wanted to have CDOs signed an old fashion employee daily work attendance journal, they fruitlessly went at great lengths to ensure that CDO conform to the HR procedures of the Ministry of Planning. This was also another laughable event for the SES. Interestingly, those same low tricks were pulled on the GAC strongman, John Morlue when he first started his noble duty of exposing the prevalence of corruption in the Ellen Sirleaf’s administration. Especially after stating that the government of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was three times corrupt than any government that ever existed in Liberia. I was mad at him, but we are seeing that now. Some idiots in the government wanted some of Morlue’s authority stripped off, or reduced to a point where they will tell him how to do his job.
Muah is right. I failed miserably to perform under the corrupt standards seemingly set by the Sirleaf administration. In fact, under performance is shy of an ugly way to grade my intransigent performance under the conditions classified by Sebastian. 

He made it clear that he has no room for mediocrity. He wanted me to embellish the truth, report lies, and then he and I would have been cool. He would have included me in the excellent category under which he placed Mr. Patrick Sawyer. Liberia is yet a strange place. People will come after you for being too honest. The SES was not comfortable with my civic responsibility of candor. Interestingly, truthfulness is still a strange practice in Liberia. Ordained Pastor like Larry Bropleh stole just to be seen as a very smart Man of God.  People rob you at the gas station if you dare look the other away. You are a prey if you appear like a stranger from Europe or the United States. You are very great if you join the corrupt bunch to loot Liberia. Your performance is poor when you are straight. The SES has my letter expressing my inability to renew my contract based on the following: poor salary incentive, nothing seems to be working, the effort of serving GOL does not match the sacrifice made to leave my family in isolation, etc. The fact is, whether I was fired by Muah or the SES, I am no longer at the job. I will be publishing my yearlong memoir of events in Cape Mount in the not too distant future.    

My differences with Muah started well before the CDOs left Monrovia for their various counties of assignment. He saw me as a big influence on those who showed willingness to be pushed around. I wanted key commitments under Annex C of the Performance Contract to be executed before taking up my assignment in Cape Mount. Muah was determined not to have this done. As a Liberian citizen, I expressed my personal opinion in this publication (Download the original attachmentDownload the original attachmentTransforming Our National Security Institutions (Guest Commentary),  Muah saw it as a perfect opportunity to get me out of the SES. He called on Dr. William Allen, head of the CSA, Alfred Sayon, my former supervisor (SES Coordinator) and even the UNDP, but was turned down.  It got worst, after I published my second commentary both on our local Liberian daily newspapers and with online Journals (Transforming our National Security Institutions: In the Case of the Liberian National Police (Guest Commentary).  

I remembered the hysterical looks on his face after I cautioned the Liberian Legislature to use due-diligence in confirming executive appointees. I wanted this bribe-riddled body to put aside personal interests, and thoroughly shake down those who are to be confirmed or rejected. In Liberia, CDOs work for the government, but are paid a monthly salary of $2,000 from an account managed by the World Bank. The World Bank is one of key stakeholders in Liberia’s PRS initiative. All of my profiles stated in clear terms that I work for the Civil Service Agency of Liberia. Sebastian claimed I stated somewhere that I work for the World Bank. Given that the World Bank paid my salary, I could have mentioned somewhere that I work for them. What is the big deal, an honest mistake? In one of his many profiles, Sebastian claimed to have worked for Compaq Computer Corporation when he did not? This guy worked for a company that was subcontracted by Compaq Computer Corporation. I really don’t know when this young man entered the United States upon his graduation from high school in 1991, but the number of jobs on his resume is awfully fishy.  That’s none of my business. 

I wanted to ensure that those who have taken upon themselves to be the ethics policemen against others are themselves, very clean. During his days with Madam Sirleaf, Larry Bropleh used to refer to me as an information scavenger. With this in mind, I went on a scavenging trip to authenticate the credential of this frisky kid. I came up something that our Honorable Legislature could not find on the imposter.  In his profile at the Ministry of Planning, here is what he claims to have (http://mopea.gov.lr/content.php?sub=81&related=1&res=81&third=81). Look at what he posted elsewhere (http://www.angelfire.com/mn/TruePhenomena/).

On his profile with the Ministry of Planning, Sebastian claims to have an AA in General Studies (Truett- McConnell). He didn’t think it was that important to include same on his profile with Angel Fire. That’s fine we all do that sometimes. But on his Ministry of Planning profile, this high school valedictorian went on to claim that he holds a BS in Computer Science& Mathematics from Mercer University in the state of Georgia. However, on Angel Fire he said he holds a BA, in Computer Science/Mathematics, from Mercer University, GA. Now that is something. Sebastian told the world in his profile at the Planning Ministry, that he holds Masters in International Economics at (Mercer University). He wanted his profile to match his post as Chief for Economic Policy and Planning. In a communication he forwarded to me via the internet, Muah claims to have an MBA from [Mercer University, Self design program, Entrepreneurship & International Economics] ‘. So I checked in with Mercer University to match apple for apple with all the bogus claims made by this pathological liar. There are reasons why he won’t apply through the front door. He was brought in by an MC classmate. That’s fine. I am quite sure that folks like Muah will not pass the SES credential scrutiny test.

At Mercer University, none of the Masters programs offered has anything to do with an MBA in Entrepreneurship & International Economics. Please take a look (http://mercer.edu/academics/degrees/master.shtm). Sebastian claims he was enrolled in a Post Undergraduate (MBA courses), with Albany State University, GA. In the same vein, that MBA, accordingly, he went on to finish with Mercer University. Mercer University does not officer a BS in Computer Science & Mathematics. These days, our imposter has surfaced at the Carnegie Mellon’s Heinz School of Public Policy in Pittsburg, Penn where he is set to earn an MSIT in 2011 at the end of a sabbatical. In his Facebook profile he listed Carnegie as a networking avenue, but failed to list his professed Alma Matter, Mercer University. This man said he was given the chance to self-design his own Masters program. I hope this school has the resources to hire someone to supervise such student Muah even if he is on an independent study? At Carnegie, the following courses are offered in MSIT (MSIT-MOB, MSIT-IS, MSIT-SM, MSIN, and MSISTM). According to him, he is on an MSIT [Carnegie Mellon, ICT for Development & Policy, expected 2011, on sabbatical while I serve honorably in this Government]. This self professed student on vacation will have to tell us which Carnegie offers the brand of MSIT he is claiming.  

 At Carnegie, these are the objectives of MSIT: MOB – prepares students to be at the forefront of the converged mobile/Internet regime with a multidisciplinary curriculum spanning both technical and business topics in mobile applications, services and devices. MSIT-Information Security (IS) - Prepares students to become leaders in information security by blending education in information security technology with other topics essential for the effective development and management of secure information systems. MSIT-Software Management (SM) - Prepares software engineers and project managers for leadership roles in software product management. In addition to these programs, there is an MSIN (The Master of Science in Information Networking (MSIN) gives students a solid foundation in information networking and introduces students to management, strategic thinking, and policy, with the opportunity to study each of these areas in greater depth through electives. The MSIN offered in Japan and the next enrollment is on 2011 (http://www.ini.cmu.edu/degrees/).

This kid is great, in less than a decade of residing in the US, here are places he claims to have worked while schooling and running a home (UNAIDS [Country Response Information Systems Manager/M&E], SocketWorks [Country Manager], Sapient [Senior Technologist], Georgia Pacific [Sr. Administrative System Consultant], IBM [Business Intelligence Contractor], Accenture [Telecommunication Contractor], Atlanta Casualty & American Financial Group [System Architect/Manager Application Development], Software Architects [Manager], Deloitte & Touche/DRT Systems [Sr. Manufacturing Consultant], System Analyst [Miller Brewing Company].  Oh and before I forget, My Undergraduate Degrees are AA [Truett-McConnell College,General Studies/Pre-engineering], BA [Mercer University, Computer Science/Mathematics], MBA [Mercer University, Self design program, Entreprenuership & International Economics], MSIT [Carnegie Mellon, ICT for Development & Policy, expected 2011, on sabbatical while I serve honorably in this Government]).

Sebastian went on to state that the MOPEA wanted to give me a chance to develop my father’s ethic homeland of Grand Cape. And if a man cannot develop his own homeland, where else can he develop, he asked? My answer is nowhere. But this is exactly my point, under his watch, nowhere in Liberia was developed. This boy will never stop dancing to his own mediocrity tunes. Is Muah suggesting to us that being my overall boss, as he claimed; his homeland Grand Kru County is well developed? If yes how; and if no why?  Firstly, Kids like Sebastian are the sort of people that walk up to their parents and demand for a toy when daddy and mummy are thinking of how the rent or mortgage is paid tomorrow. He has no knowledge of how the PRS is run. No CDO was selected on the basis of their county. For instance, I was born and raised in Montserrado, and by coincidence, I was sent to Cape Mount by the SES, and not because my father or me came from there. Patrick Sawyer on the other hand is from Grand Kru, but was sent to Grand Bassa. The gentleman who was given Montserrado County, Steve Guzeh, is a Lorma man with a clear Buzay accent.

For all, the PRS was structured in a manner such that what affect one county, affects the other 14 counties. What affects Cape Mount negatively or positively, affects others similarly. The failure of one is the failure of all. Muah has honestly made it clear, Cape Mount failed even though the Sam Jackson Commission rated it first among counties with the most projects completed. What Muah won’t say is that other counties are even poorer. Firstly, taking personal responsibilities for one’s failure is the beginning of success. This IT guy should take responsibility of their mishandling of the PRS.  Liberia should watch out for fake intellectuals and want to be policy advisers like the Sebastian Muahs who show up at the eve of a serious brainstorming process, and offer to know it all. This outright deception by pseudo intellectuals and coupled with wide spread corruption, have created a serious blemish on educated Liberians. Their actions have turned voters away from true Liberian intellectual elite class. Our voters no longer find pleasure in putting the-know-it-all in the Mansion.  At the barber shop, saloon, shoe repairing shops, and others, the air is filled with hate for book people. One of the most popular slogans in Liberia today is, ‘give us an honest leader who has Liberia at heart, than a bookish leader who loots Liberia with excuse’. The people are fed up with so called educated Liberians who lack the moral make up. To be frank, the largest voting class Liberians has set the bar at honesty and integrity, and not on Harvard Grads. 2011 will tell.

Edmond R. Gray resides in Minneapolis, Minnesota and can be reached on 763-447-1063 and at remiegray@gmail.com.

POLICE MISCONDUCT IN MODERN LAW ENFORCEMENT: IS IT HURTING OR HELPING PUBLIC CONFIDENCE?




By
Edmond R. Gray
Ethics in Preserving Public Safety
A Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of PhD in Public Policy
Criminal Justice









Submitted to
Professor Richard Worch
Walden University
May 26, 2010




Table of Contents
Police Misconduct in Modern Law Enforcement: Is It Hurting or Helping Public Confidence?

1.      Abstract
2.      Introduction
3.      Police Misconduct in Modern Day America
4.      Background
5.      Review of the Literature
6.      Investigation
7.       Prevention Methods
8.      Conclusion
9.      Literature Review
10. References












Abstract
Police Misconduct in Modern Law Enforcement: Is It Hurting or Helping Public Confidence?
Police officers have one of the most difficult tasks of protecting the community, while preserving their own integrity and the good image of the institution. In order to keep their jobs, police officers are expected to maintain a higher moral standard both on and off duty. Besides, they undergo several ethics trainings each year to strengthen them for the job. Nonetheless, police officers continue to face regular dismissals mostly for misconduct and other ethics violations. This literature review will look at key studies done in the area of police misconduct that are centered on street-level bureaucrats that are constantly faced with important value choices. Attempts will be made to examine whether enough is being done to prevent these ethics violations.
The review will look at those issues that contribute to ethical and unethical behaviors. For the purpose of this review, focus will mostly be on the police officers, and their interaction in the community, using existing data. Toward the end, an attempt will be made to see whether enough has been done to reduce police misconduct and other ethics violations. Attempts will be made to see whether the inability of an officer to report the misconduct or unethical behavior of a colleague is influenced by his/her character, the type of misconduct, departmental traits, relationship, or attitude?  
Introduction
Throughout history, efforts to police society have been characterized by police misconduct and other ethics violations to some degree (Johnson 2004). Therefore, ethics in policing is as old as law enforcement itself.  However, the negative perception against policing goes as far back as the great railroad strike of 1877, Johnson (2004). The passage of the Volstead Act of 1919 is said to have a long-term negative impact on the culture of policing itself. By the 1920s, crime was growing negatively in conjunction with the demand for illegal alcohol. Many law enforcement agencies stepped up against the use of unlawful alcohol. And by the Hover administration in the late 1920s, the Wickersham Commission was formed to look into widespread lawlessness against civilians by law enforcement agencies (Johnson 2004).
Nonetheless, the discovery made that all forms of cruelty to extract involuntary confessions from people, existed across the law enforcement isle, and coupled with subsequent land mark legislations, i.e. Brown v Mississippi, the advice to uphold the due-process clause of the Fourth Amendment of the US Constitution, and others, sort of sealed this greater negative public perception toward the police profession (Johnson 2004).
Police Misconduct in Modern Day America
Though there are detailed statistics on the use of force in the United States, there was no literature found that comprehensively catalogued the prevalence of police misconduct in the US? For instance, a US Department of Justice report on police use of force in 2001 indicated that in 1999, a total number of 422,000 people complained that some forms of police misconduct were used on them, Holmes (2000). Equally, a 2006 Justice Department report shows that only 26,556 total number citizen complaints on the use of force were reported within the US; and of these, about 2000 were found to be credible, Hickman (2006).
Some studies have shown that some attempts have been made to cover up police misconduct. One study sponsored by the Federal government (Police Service Study), in which some 12,000 randomly selected citizens were interviewed in three metropolitan areas, it was discovered that about 13.6 percent of those asked said they have reasons to complain their local police department for actions of misconduct, yet only 30% of these folks actually filed formal complaints. In the same vein, a Human Rights Watch report of 1998, all of the 14 precincts that were looked at by Human Right Watch said, filing complaints for alleged police misconduct was “unnecessarily difficult and sometime intimidating” (http://www.aclu.org/police/gen/14614pub19971201.html; Human Rights Watch) .   
On the issue of racial profiling as a form of police misconduct, there are quite a number of literatures out there. However, two credible sources, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch did confirm situations in which other institutions within the public safety arena used brutal force within lockdown facilities (Human Rights Watch 2006).
Background
This review on police integrity comes against the backdrop that police ethics is at the middle of law enforcement most important needs (Carter & Wilson 2006). Research analyses have shown that in executing their jobs, police officers are regularly confronted with some of the toughest ethical challenges to their professional and individual characters. These research analyses recommended that the focus of police integrity be moved from traditional issues like corruption and excessive force, to new and challenging areas that will help to regulate and improve the overall character and development of the cop and the department (Klockars et al 2006; Raines 2006). A review of three literatures, added momentum into the need for the expansion argument in that it further discovered three central areas that control the flow of change for the individual: self-leaning inner value (universal self values, standards on one’s own values, variables on individual effects); “other oriented outcome core values”, and those outcomes based on social values (Hubert et al 2008; Giacalone & Jurkiewicz, 2003; Ray and Anderson, 2000). Self-leaning inner values – have to do with one’s values and preferences in life, shared into three subsets – general individual values,” individual voice values and individual outcome values (Hubert et al 2008)”. According to Giacalone and Jurkiewicz (2003), Universal self values– are determined by how an individual is inspired by his own belief through self-actualization and optimism. However, those who are passionate about expanding police integrity beyond the traditional lines, the ethics of a decision exceed financial implications and short term measures. They are mostly placed on the long term and systemic consequences for all stakeholders (Hubert et al 2008). Basically, short term interests should carry a long term consequence. The rationale for planning beyond the immediate is to accommodate the long term effects of today’s actions (Ray and Anderson, 2000).
In the United States, every state has its monitoring commission that watches over the attitudes of cops (Beech 2000). In policing, the internal affairs division has the duty to investigate incidents and likely activities of criminal act and professional misconduct of police officers. In the same vein, other structures refer to internal affairs as professional standards, inspector general, office of professional responsibility, and others, Beech (2000). Research shows that having a division that handles professional misconduct does not only control or reduce the police misconducts, but reinforces the feeling that those outside the police force have an option to seek redress against the police without bias (Belasic 2007). Take the City of San Francisco in Northern California for instance, has its Office of Citizen Complaints that was created in 1983 through voters’ proposal.
As the result of this, those civilians who are not part of the San Francisco Police Department were able to have their complaints against police officers investigated by the Office of Citizen Complaints; Washington DC has a similar initiative that was established in 1999, refer to as the Office of Police Complaints (Belasic 2007).  In the State of Florida, that function is handled by the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission. “The commission which was established in 1977 is tasked with the responsibility of setting minimum standards for officer training and hiring, creates systems for denying, suspending, and revoking licenses (Beech 2000)”.
But unlike, the City of San Francisco which was mandated by a civilian initiative, the Florida Criminal Justice Standards and Training Commission came into being, through the Florida Legislature with the hope that police officers respect the law, and sustain good moral character (Florida Department of Law Enforcement, 2009). The task of supervising police behavior is a difficult and at times, very risky task; because of this, in most police departments around the nation, those working in internal affairs are in a detective command, but directly report to the chief, or to a board of civilian police commissioners (Belasic 2007). All of these disciplinary commissions are set up to investigate various public safety violations (Belasic 2007).
The need to regulate illegitimate police behaviors or activities that are related to the performance of an officer’s official duties and violate state or federal criminal laws, department policies, professional ethics, or administrative rules and procedures goes as far back as the Hoover administration, when a number of police departments rose to the occasion of addressing widely held public concerns of the need to increase professionalism and identify the changes needed for law enforcement (Johnson 2004; Belasic 2007; Henry 2004; Beech 2000).
Police misconduct is an important public policy issue as well as a recurring problem that is widely discussed and debated by police officers, police administrators and executives, lawmakers and public officials, and members of the public (Belasic 2007).   Police departments around the country are taking various measures to improve their internal investigation procedures with the hope of replacing negative public perception against the police with an overwhelming public trust, Charleston Gazette (January 9, 2000)
Review of the Literature
            In order to determine what constitute an ethics violation, there is the need to establish a clear definition for the meaning of ethics. According to Webster, ethics is the study of the universal nature of morals and the particular moral choices an individual makes while dealing with others. There is a greater philosophical meaning of ethics that has to do with conduct, honesty, character, integrity, morality, and others are connected to our human behavior (Weisburd et. al., 2006).
And as indicated earlier, the study of police misconduct is impeded by the need for precise definition as well as by the dual contexts in which a range of behavioral patterns and practices classified under the expansive rubric of misconduct can occur (Henry 2004). Even though the two are noticeable, people improperly associate police misconduct with police corruption; both are distinguishable in such time when actual violation of state or federal law is usually needed to define corruption (Henry 2004). This is not the situation with the more widely defined impression of police misconduct; hence, corruption can be considered as part of misconduct, Henry (2004).
A lot has been written on police ethics, of all, mostly two issues have been identified as areas of concern. One of these has to do with the level of damage and public perception that ethical misconduct has done to policing, and how much has the public perception of misconduct hurt the profession itself (Johnson et. al. 2005; Klockars et. al. 2006;Beech 2000). An equal number of different writers have shown concerns for the part that police leadership plays in the overall ethical policing violations. For instance, the Center for Society, Law & Justice (2006, August) gives account of few leadership workshops under the tutelage of the US Attorney General, in which ethics, integrity and leadership were the topics of that symposium. The overarching theme adopted by participants at the leadership conferences, was ethical commitment. Another area of misconduct that will be looked at is the use of force, also known as the force continuum theory.
The considerable focus of this review will look at those literatures, which discuss or attempt to look the precise answer of what seems to be the main driving force behind the perception that the public hold towards policing. A number of research focuses has been on the use of force by the police. Legally, police officers are allowed to use force (Skolnick et. al. 1995). However, police leaders and the public in general, expect such force to be reasonable and only used when necessary (Skolnick 2002).
A number of literatures hold that largely, in dealing with riots and other public disorderly conducts, some police officers gradually develop the notion, and sense of authority, if I may say, that they are above society and the law, especially under the traditional reaction-based policing model (Skolnick 2002; Loree 2006; Owens et. al., 2002; Stetser 2001).  But some say that the lack of knowledge of the main functions of the police in the community is another reason for public bias against the police (Belasic 2007; Henry 2004; Raines 2006). According to Beech (2000), positive Public perception of the police today is still low. Among the very negative views held by people against the profession, is one which claims that the true function of the police is hidden behind the claim that they exist primarily to fight and prevent crimes.   
Investigation
Along the line of misconduct, “the bad apple paradigm theory” came into being to distinguish those good cops from their colleagues, who are generally considered bad and unprofessional (Owens 2002). The “Bad Apple Paradigm” failed to remove the general public euphoria that police misconduct is a systemic problem rather than individually generic (Loree 2006).
At least, two literatures (Skolnick 2002; Loree 2006) discuss systemic factors of corruption as, pressures to conform to certain traditional police practices dubbed the Blue Code of Silence – this is a practice in which cops who have crossed the professional lines, are protected by their departments, sort of an ‘us v the public’ situation, which breeds mistrust for the institution; a second situation has to do with a command and control structure that has its beginnings to an unreasonably, rigid hierarchical foundation – research has shown that “the tougher the leadership structure of a police organization, the lower the chances of finding ethical-decision making”, Owens et. al. (2002); lastly, there is the existence of the deficiencies in internal accountability mechanisms, such as investigation processes, and others (Loree 2006).
No matter how little the police use force to contain a situation, some members of the public will still complain that minimal force is no different than over the limit force (Stetser 2001). The appropriate force that should be used by the police is defined in the ‘use of force continuum policy’, statutory and common laws (Stetser 2001).
The ability to investigate police misconducts in the United States is not only left to the mercies of internal affairs, and various civilian and police commissions, for accountability purposes, and coupled with the idea of reinforcing the credibility of the investigation process, District Attorneys have oversight responsibility of looking into cases where aggrieved public misconducts have been reported (Gallagher 2007).  In a recent study conduct against the Chicago PD, out of over 10,000 reported complaints of misconducts, filed between 2002 and 2004, only 19 of them resulted into substantial disciplinary actions (Gallagher 2007). At the height of the findings, was that some officers with criminal inclinations were still allowed with impunity to function in the system. 
To tell the seriousness of this matter, District Attorneys who are allowed to investigate police misconducts, have themselves, come under scrutiny. This is owing to the fact that these District Attorneys depend upon their various police departments for evidence to prosecute police officers who are charged with ethics violations and criminal misconduct (Gallagher 2007).
Efforts to address police misconduct in the US transcended local police and internal civilian commissions during the 1990s, through the creations of other federal and local government mechanisms (Gallagher 2007). For instance, the Rodney King incidence of 1991, helped to create the Christopher Commission (an independent commission on the LAPD), which uncovered the existence of abusively forms of misconduct; in other states such as New York, media organizations alleged that the “Blue Code of Silence” hampered their efforts to investigate misconduct, Raab (2002, New York Times). By the methodology used, Literatures have shown that both the police and the public have convincing indications of the intention to end police misconduct.
Prevention and Methods
 Literatures have shown that both the public and the police frown on police misconduct. Many calls have been made by the public to reinforce the integrity of the procedures used to investigate police misconduct to ensure accountability though public participation (Willis 2006; Civil Rights Division 2003). Between the public and police, few independent organizations are participating in the prevention efforts.
 For instance, Copwatch, a US based consortium of agencies which actively monitors and collects evidence on police activities with the hope of preventing police misconduct, and in conjunction with Amnesty International are two of the many independent organizations which exist to provide unimpeded reports on misconduct.
Within the police, many law enforcement officials who have written or given account of police misconduct hold, among others, that cynicism, mistrust, over stretch/burnout, stress and boredom as few of the likely reasons for officer misconduct (James 2003; Delattre 2002). One writer states that “there is a fair amount of evidence to support that crime pays, and you can get away with it; there is disrespect for limits, for truth telling, it runs to a central contempt for limits and self control; see Delattre personal communication, August 16, 1997 (Delattre 2002). There are varying literatures about the causes of law enforcement misconduct, however, an overwhelming number of police professionals acknowledge that ethical misconduct brings the reputation of the profession down, and there is need to address the situation (Beech 2000).   
Much has been done to curb police misconduct, for instance, in 1994; Congress came up with the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. It provided the Attorney General, the ability to file lawsuits seeking to reform police units found engaged in conducts that violate the rights of citizens. Since the passage of this law, eleven jurisdictions have benefitted from it (Pittsburg Bureau of Police, Steubenville PD, New Jersey State Police, LAPD, DC Metropolitan PD, Buffalo PD, Mount Prospect, Illinois PD, and the Montgomery, Maryland PD (Civil Rights 2003)
Conclusion
An array of literature on misconduct can be obtained from the academic literature of policing. These literatures present the way definitions and concepts of police misconduct have been discussed and digressed upon over the course of American police history. Although definitions of misconduct historically focused on various police misconducts that involve varying interests, concerns about police misconduct and civil rights violations resulting from the urban riots of the 1960s led to dramatically increased public, legal, and organizational attention. Forms of misconduct such as brutality and civil rights violations ultimately entered public discourse about misconduct during that era.
In the same token, the perception of racial profiling was recorded under the various police misconduct when acknowledged.  “The notion of “noble cause corruption”—such activities as perjury, falsifying or planting evidence on suspects, and other illegal or illegitimate behaviors that can be rationalized as serving a legitimate criminal justice goal and do not involve an implicit material gain for the officer involved—has recently received media and academic attention and has been subsumed within definitions of police misconduct, Henry (2002)”.
The persistent stiffness shown toward police misconduct shed light on the need for effective police accountability, both to the organization and to the public (Henry 2002). And owing to the dynamism of modern police work, the unavoidability of a variety of discretions afforded to police officers, and the intrinsic difficulty of adequately and continually supervising their actions, one must at least, expect some level of police misconduct. This is especially true with the extremities of administrative rule violations that form the bigger share of police misconduct. It is almost impossible for any police agency to create enforcement mechanisms and systems of accountability that will be wholly effective in getting rid of all forms of misconduct. According to Henry (2002), the most effective way to reduce misconduct is through enhanced public accountability and organizational transparency, and obtained through a continually comprehensive process of ongoing policy review and adjustment.
Literature Reviews
1. Weisburd, D., Greenspan, R., Hamilton, E., Williams, H., & Bryant, K. Wills, D. (2006, May). Integrity: preventing corruption through pro-active police management. The Chief of Police, 20, 31-32. Retrieved May20, 2010
         American society has long entrusted to its police the authority to use force in the pursuit of justice, law, and order. This authority is often glorified in books, television, and movies, where the police are constantly seen as responding to violent felons with equally violent reactions. This research was conducted by a team of law enforcement experts headed by Professor David Weisburd. The task of the team was to look at the issue police brutality resulting from the use of force. This came against the backdrop that the reality of police use of force is much less dramatic and the boundaries of legitimate police use of force are much more constrained than defined in culture. The police indeed have discretion to use violence when it is required. However, the potential abuse and actual abuse of such authority remain both a central problem for police agencies and a central public policy concern.
2. Johnson, T., Johnson, D., & White, J. (2005, June 2).Organizational roadblocks to prevent public misconduct. Paper presented at the Ethics and Integrity of Governance: A Transatlantic Dialogue Conference, Leuven, Belgium. Retrieved 2010-05-22.
            This study was undertaken in Canada to examine the causes of public mistrust in public institutions. The study was intended to mostly look at how government institutions can once win the public trust. According to the study, government executives are constantly challenged to overcome the sometimes multiple cultural and sub cultural barriers, that neutralize or defeat the good intentions of public institutions. The study looks at systems like the United States on how it wins public trust. According to the study, ethics training is a good start to gain public trust through ethical behavior. The study also advocates for training on the understanding of one’s culture, the theoretical bases on why something is right or wrong, the removal of potential road blocks to enable the system to be effective. 
3. Klockars, C. B., Ivkovich, S.K., & Haberfeld, M. R. (December, 2005). Enhancing police integrity. National Institute of Justice. www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij. Retrieved on May 24, 2010.
            This is a research that was done for practical purposes and published in the National Institution for Justice. It was done to measure police corruption, which before then was a very difficult thing to do. This study did not use the traditional research approach used in previous studies. And rather than focusing on corruption, the researchers measured the integrity of police officers and their organizations. The tools and techniques that the researchers developed for the study can be used by police executives to find out how well officers understand their agency’s rules on misconduct as well as their opinions about the seriousness of the different types of misconduct, the appropriate discipline for the misconduct, and their willingness to report behavior. The research findings are that an agency’s culture of integrity, as defined by clearly understood and implemented policies and rules, may be more important in shaping the ethics of police officers than hiring “right” people.

References
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