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Friday, December 2, 2011

Crisis management and why police organizations fail to control mob riots By: Edmond R. Gray (Op-ed)


There is need for Liberia to right size and consolidate its security agencies under a single command, and call it “Liberian Homeland Security (LHS).” This author has developed a plan that principally serves as guide for all entities protecting the Liberian nation. Although the primary aim of LHS is to secure Liberia from those seeking to disrupt the way of life of all lawful citizens, its mandates also include preparing and responding to national calamities at the full confidence of the people of Liberia. This strategic plan seeks to eliminate waste and ineffectiveness resulting from overlapping of functions, with too many units performing one and the same duties. Being a unified agency, LHS will jointly coordinate its distinctive missions, operations, and activities of various security components. 


It requires a cohesively sound managerial knowhow as the key to realize both the goals of LHS and its various components. Every Liberian of service age must be given the impartial privilege to proportionally serve their country, as long as he or she meets the vetting process. Liberian youths who are of service age but were previously prevented from serving for not completing high school, must be enrolled in a general education development program under the joint tutelage of LHS and the Ministry of Education. This program will afford participants the ability to earn a General High School Equivalency Diploma (GHSED). A GHSED could also help those Liberians who do not meet the requirements of enrolling in K12. A comprehensive proposal on the processes of LHS is inclusive in a strategic national security plan written by the author. 


Why police organizations fail to handle riots?


By their nature, crisis situations present moments that test the resolve of the police to preserve standards of ethical behavior (Magers, 2007).  Consequently, hooliganism, vandalism, hostage events, and hostile barricaded subjects warrant situations, create real and imaginary need for swift action and resolution. The desire for a quick and often-pressured need for quick resolution creates conditions, requiring expedient measures to obtain a win-win outcome. But, sometimes the consequences to expedient measures are disastrous, and may or may not have been anticipated. Carroll, Ben-Zadok, and McCue (2009, p. 221) argued that, “if bad consequences were anticipated but ignored during implementation of a strategy, to achieve a desired goal, then such acts may have created circumstances where swift action unnecessarily leads to ill-conceived responses to the crisis, which in retrospect, are ethically indefensible.” The recent police actions in Liberia, dubbed “Bloody Monday,” is partly discussed in this analysis. 


Nihilistic as it may, the dismissal of the Liberian National Police Chief, Marc Amblard for his handling of the post Liberian presidential election riot, probably defused the tension, which was increasingly building up by the day. Mr. Amblard may not have been the only police chief hoping that a big crisis like Bloody Monday sparks up under his watch. Frankly, crises like Bloody Monday; the recent London riot; and the way the French handled the Paris riots stemming from immigrants few years ago, test the resolve police organizations. For instance, following many months of careful planning, former Seattle Police Chief, Norm Stamper’s handling of a-50,000 or so strong rioters, which barricaded the City of Seattle to prevent a World Trade Organization (WTO) summit from taking place, ended up as a complete law enforcement farce (Wilson, 1999). 


Accordingly, the protest activity surrounding the WTO (dubbed “N30 or Battle of Seattle”) since it was scheduled to convene on November 30, 1999, is a regular global confab, which sets the terms of reference of international trades and negations (see Gillham & Marx, 1999, ed.). N30 is recorded as one of the fiercest protests against police presence in the history of law enforcement (SPD Report, 1999). While it could be said that the bulk of protestors were relatively peaceful, few of the 50,000 to 100,000 people who participated in the WTO demonstration resorted to vandalism, looting, throwing of stones, objects, human fesses and urination, Molotov Cocktail, and others (Christian, 2000). This was exactly what ensued during the Bloody Monday protest in Liberia, which later turned violent (Aljazeera, 2011).  


One of the many reasons why Liberia should quickly move to unify its security operations, under a single body, is to avoid sparse divisional bickering during emergency times among security personnel responding to a crisis. Not only was it unprofessional to see personnel of the LNP being chased around and wrestled down by their international counterparts, it straddles the process of ethical coordination, required for crowd control. Bluntly put, it’s like the left is unaware of what the right is doing. On the contrary, in Seattle, although the exact number of demonstrators is still not known, it has been estimated at 40,000, 50,000 and 100,000, with a-police strength of only 900. But it was the Washington National Guard, which rescued the day. In the United States, the lessons learnt from the 9/11 terrorist onslaught on New York, Washington D.C., Pennsylvania, and the Katrina saga were enough to bring all crises response organizations under a unified command. Nonetheless, one crucial thesis question is:
  1. When does the use of force against a group of demonstrators some of which are engaged in vandalism, consider excessive?   
This analysis further tells some ethical concerns in crises involving barricaded subjects, who may require commanders of crisis situation to consider, before placing themselves in crisis mode. Sometimes, once you are in a crisis mode, the chances of getting out, or contemplate alternative actions, are slim. While legal issues may not be specifically addressed here, but it is recognized that adherence to the law is crucial to ethical conduct. The focus will be the ethical or moral implications as they affect crisis management policy. Ethical concerns in crisis situations are as numerous as the decisions made during the actual event. Anticipating all such ethical decisions and concerns in advance is impossible. In a much broader research, the writer identified and discussed categories of principles and tactics, which are faced by crisis negotiators. These ethical concerns have been found useful in guiding managers trapped in crisis situations. In discussing these ethical concerns three critical questions will be addressed.
1. What are the challenges for police leaders in crisis leadership?
2. What are the ethical issues in hostage/crisis negotiation situations?
3. How do we ethically meet the demands of addressing these issues and meeting these challenges?

What are some of the challenges police officers face in their leadership endeavor?

Simply put, crises consist of a series of dynamically chaotic events (Boin &‘t’ Hart, 2003). Earlier, German sociologist, Ulrich Beck defined a “risky society,” as one where public safety and security are high priorities (p. 545). However, there is a big gap between what the public expects of their law enforcement agencies versus what is truly delivered. So, what does the public expect from their leaders in a crisis situation? One of those popular expectations is that police authorities put the safety of the public first.

However, Magers (2007, p. 10) argued that, “the costs of regulating and maintaining maximum public safety, are politically and economically, costly. “ Another popular expectation is that police leaders should prepare for the worst. Research has demonstrated that, a number of government and business leaders are not willing to prepare themselves for their crisis-response roles (Mehrotra, Znati, & Thompson, 2008, p. 14).

Additionally, police leaders are expected to heed to future warnings regarding crisis in waiting. Nevertheless, man-made disasters, such as riots, are mostly preceded by incubation periods—time between planning and the event. Inevitably, during incubation periods, policy makers pretend to have the answers, and are sometimes ignorant of, or simply tend to overlook repeated signs of the danger ahead. The public does expect crisis leader to take full control of the situation, by giving clear directives to crisis-management operations (CMOs).  Successful CMOs are polycentric, multi-organizational, trans-jurisdictional, and serve as response network.

CMOs need to be coordinated laterally, not top-down command and control. LNP should have sketched a joint plan with UNMIL, and executed same as a CMO. Because one was not in place, personnel confronting angry demonstrators were left with no alternatives, but fight back. Was there a state of emergency declared? Or was there a curfew in place?

Crisis leaders are expected to be compassionate toward victims of crises. Such understanding should be thoroughly articulated verbally over public announcements (PA), and in deeds. It is the duty of leaders to care for victims, but usually those same leaders become prey to their own unrealistic pledges. They sometime go all-out to learn from their mistakes, but in most times, they allow themselves to get caught in the politics of blaming, which dominates the aftermath of contemporary crises.  

Finally, in his doctoral dissertation, the writer argued that, security and counter-terrorism are significant issues for national governments today. To combat this rising global threat, and in the interest of national security, governments must be willing to substantially invest in their security enterprises. In addition to other post-conflict issues on how to reduce the future generational growth of terrorists through good governance and the rule of law, the study sought to understand how and to what degree police organizations improve their internal organizational systems of response to counter-terrorism; how they develop new policies and procedures to meet rising demands imposed by terrorism (Gray, n.d.).



Reference

Christian, N. M. (2000-06-04). Police brace for protest in Windsor and Detroit. New York Times.

Colin McDonald (January 30, 2007). "Jury says Seattle violated WTO protesters' rights". Seattle Post Intelligencer.

Gillham, P. F., & Marx, Gary T. (1999). Complexity and Irony in Policing: The World Trade Organization in Seattle (ed.) by de Armond, Paul, Netwar in the Emerald City: WTO Protest Strategy and Tactics, pp. 216-217.

Gray, E. R. (n.d.). Reducing the growth of future generational terrorists: Poverty reduction strategy and long-term counterterrorism measure. Criminal Justice, School of Public Policy and Administration. Minneapolis, Minnesota, Walden University. Proposed Dissertation, Doctor of Philosophy: 321.

Mehrotra, S., Znati, T., & Thompson, C. W. (2008). Crisis management. IEEE Computer Society, Pp. 14-17.

Seattle Police Department (1999/11/29). The Seattle Police Department After Action Report: World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference Seattle, Washington November 29 – December 3, 1999, p. 41.

Wilson, K. A. C. (1999/12/07). Embattled police chief resigns. Seattle Post-Intelligencer.

Reducing the growth of future generational terrorists: Poverty reduction strategy and long-term counterterrorism measures


Abstract:
This paper sets the basis for the need of a comprehensive study on how to reduce future generational growth of terrorists, through a comprehensive poverty reduction strategy based on four principle pillars—governance and rule of law, security, economic revitalization, infrastructure and basic services. Although the actual research will be done as a mixed method study, this paper only analyzed the processes, especially the qualitative aspect of the actual research. Developing a qualitative research plan for a pending dissertation on how to reduce future generational growth of terrorists is a partial fulfillment for a PhD and RSCH-8300.

Table of Content
Content                                                                                                          Page
Background of the study                                                                                             4
Summary of the literature of 10 articles related to the problem                                 4
Gaps and or deficiencies in prior research                                                                  6
Importance of the research                                                                                          7
Purpose of the research                                                                                                8
Problem statement                                                                                                       8
Why pursued the study and for whom is it important?                                               9                    
Research design: phenomenology                                                                              10
Research questions                                                                                                     11
Theoretical or conceptual framework                                                                         12
Hypotheses                                                                                                                 13
Data collection procedures and research plan                                                            13
Interview in data collection process                                                                           14
Kind of interviewing protocol to develop                                                                  14
Data management techniques employ                                                                        15
Role as the researcher                                                                                                 15
Sampling                                                                                                                     15
Sample size and how it was decided                                                                           16
Why the sample size                                                                                                   16
Factors that contribute to this decision of the sample size                                         17
Data analysis and interpretation plan                                                                          17
Ethical Concerns                                                                                                         18
References                                                                                                                   18
Bibliography                                                                                                               21
  

Background of the study

The United States’ efforts to fight terrorism, especially after 9/11, have mostly emphasized counter-terrorism (Choi, 2010). While such efforts have been extremely successful, they have not holistically addressed future generational growth of terrorists (Greer, 2011). Hence, this problem of not having a successful plan to tackle the future growth of terrorism is hindering current and future counter-terrorism efforts (Greer, 2011; Nye, 2006; Martin, 2002; Choi, 2010). Studies have systematically found that improving the rule of law in non-democratic societies noted of harboring terrorists, reduces current and future terrorism incidences (Choi, 2010; Greer, 2011). Although this paper does not attempt to undertake the actual study, it attempted to demonstrate how the qualitative aspect of the pending research will be conducted. It also showed the need to fill the gap created by Choi (2010) and Greer (2011).

Summary of the literature of 10 articles related to the problem

Many studies have been conducted on the causes and methods of fighting terrorism, but not on the reduction of the future growth of terrorists. My dissertation will use social theories to evaluate the reduction of future generational growth of terrorists through poverty reduction strategies. Social theories comprise of sociological profiling, general strain theory, and social learning. In theory, sociological profiling offers no explanation to terrorism, but focuses on generic group dynamics of terrorists such as age, education, social class and gender (Yayla, 2005; Russell & Miller, 1977). Through sociological profiling, there is an overarching assumption that terrorists functionally share common socio-demographic traits (Hudson, 2000). Though sociological profiling does not explain the relationship of demographic attributes to one’s involvement in terrorism, it serves as a great platform of understanding the relationship between terrorism and demographic attributes. Relative deprivation theory explains the effects of political violence resulting from the gap between expectation and actual achievement. Frustration-aggression theory asserts that political violence is a result of desperation, which occurs in the face of oppression. Finally, social learning theory suggests that violence results from the observation and imitation of an aggressive role model.

The actual study will evaluate and report how future generational growth of terrorists will be reduced through a comprehensive poverty reduction strategy based on four principle pillars—governance and rule of law, security, economic revitalization, infrastructure and basic services. Each of these pillars will be extensively covered under the definition of terms in chapter one. Additionally, this study intends to compliment previous studies conducted by Greer (2010) and Choi (2010) which found that upholding the rule of law reduces terrorism incidences and future generational growth of terrorists.
In addition to social theory outlined in the introduction of this analysis, is the rational choice theory of terrorism, theory of planned behavior, subjective uncertainty theory, the system justification theory, the mind set theory, and the tripartite model of security-self validation hypothesis, attachment theory, and terror management theory (Moss, 2008). As discussed in (Crenshaw, 1992; Sandler & Lapan, 1998; Victoroff, 2005; Wilson, 2000), rational choice theory of terrorism holds the view that the actions that terrorists demonstrate are rationally calculative and well thought out. This view is against the backdrop that the act of terrorism might unrepresentatively be pathologically illogical, though on the other hand, it may equally symbolize the best opportunity to fulfill one’s personal desire. 

In the same vein, Cooke and Sheeran (2004) stated that the theory of planned human behaviors is driven by personal attitudes, social pressures and sense of control. For instance, depending on the circumstance, one is able to carry out rather than reject his/her intentions (such as a plan to abstain from alcohol drinking) especially if such a promise has been professed by the individual many times before. 

According to Winkates (2007), “religion plays a big role in the life of most terrorists and their terrorist missions. That being the case, my proposed dissertation will evaluate the role of religion through the theory of terrorism. Studies have shown that both religion and philosophy are two faculties of theology that enormously account for terrorism (Stitt, 2003; Kraemer, 2004). In addition, studies have indicated that one key motivating factor of terrorism is religious fulfillment (Hoffman, 1993; Aydin, 2007). Moreover, Islam is sometimes used as a tool of self identification and psychological support for extremist religious groups linked to terrorism (Aydin, 2007). At such, there is the overriding theory that not only did Allah (God) sanctions terrorism, he actually desires it—in so far as the purported cause is sacredly connected to a gloomy future and avenging actions of the past (p. 10). In addition to these references, there is a bibliography of texts at the bottom of this analysis that will be used as references for the literature review of the research.

Gaps and or deficiencies in prior research

There is a plethora of studies on the causes and methods of fighting terrorism, and only a few have looked at means of reducing the future growth of terrorism (Choi, 2010; Greer, 2011). These studies have shown that by improving good governance and the rule of law in post conflict societies, which are exposed to terrorism, future incidences of terrorism will be significantly reduced. Similarly, Krueger and Maleckova (2003) established causal connection between education, poverty and terrorism. Accordingly, it was established that poor economic conditions and other impediments to democratic institutions, facilitate terrorism. However, no study was found, which examined the impact of poverty reduction on the growth of future generational terrorists in post conflict societies. The proposed study intends to fill that research gap.

Importance of the research

The importance of this proposed study is to investigate how terrorists are created, so as to better shape long-term public policy priorities on how to reduce future terrorist threat. Since psychological and demographic factors are difficult to measure, or somewhat impossible to create policy shift around (Hudson, Majeska, Division, & Congress, 1999), they mostly will not constitute the nexus or central focus of the study. But a number of psychological concepts are structurally linked with key variables, which will be examined by the study. Priority focus of the study is on the various motivations, which attract people to terrorism while analyzing the social conditions that breed terrorism. Moreover, the study will investigate country of origin of terrorists; conduct a number of hypothetical tests to determine the effect of these social conditions (good governance and rule of law, security, economic revitalization, and basic infrastructural services), on the future generational growth of terrorism.


Purpose of the research
The primary purpose of the proposed study is to understand how and why terrorists do what they do, and how these behaviors which compromise innocent lives, can be curtailed. As indicated inter-alia, key priority of the proposed study is to investigate how terrorists are created, so as to better shape long-term public policy priorities on how to reduce future terrorist threat. Moreover, qualitative research seeks to understand human behavior and the prevailing circumstances that lead to that behavior (Creswell, 2007). Hence, qualitative research offers answers to why or how decisions are arrived at. Accordingly, answers to how or why decisions are made are mostly investigated in five ways: ethnography, field research, phenomenology, grounded theory, and case study. The purpose of this analysis is to individually analyze these approaches, develop a research problem and purpose, along with a research question. Finally, the objective is to defend why the problem, purpose, and questions fit with the approach. 

Through ethnography, a researcher can undertake to study an entire culture as an outsider (Creswell, 2007). From a cultural perspective, to truly understand the causes of terrorism as it relates to my proposed research, it is helpful to look at it from the cultural aspect geographically. One primary reason is the conjecture that most terrorists are of Islamic origin from the Arabian Peninsula or the Middle East (Nye, 2008). 

It cannot be over emphasized that the goal of any qualitative study is to understand a situation from the perspective of the participants along with its specific or institutionally underlying reasons. According to Myers (2009), “these social dynamics are mostly missing whenever textual data are quantified.”  However, this is why it is necessary for the proposed study to adapt a mixed methodology approach not through triangulation, Mingers (2001as cited in Creswell, 2007). Besides, there are a number of distinctions, which have either been classified as objective or subjective, sparred between the discoveries of natural laws (homothetic) and the exclusivity of every unique situation (idiographic). Ideally, these are tailored to either predict results through control, or through explanation and understanding from an insider or outsider perspective.

Problem statement

The United States’ efforts to fight terrorism, especially after 9/11, have mostly emphasized counter-terrorism (Choi, 2010). While such efforts have been extremely successful, they have not holistically addressed future generational growth of terrorists (Greer, 2011). Hence, this problem of not having a successful plan to tackle the future growth of terrorism is hindering current and future counter-terrorism efforts (Greer, 2011; Nye, 2006; Martin, 2002; Choi, 2010). Studies have systematically found that improving the rule of law in non-democratic societies noted of harboring terrorists, reduces current and future terrorism incidences (Choi, 2010; Greer, 2011). 

Why pursued the study and for whom is it important?

One key importance for the need of a study that reduces the threat of terrorism in the future, is that current counter-terrorism efforts of the United States and its allies to defeat radical Islamism through conventional warfare, has not emphasized future reduction of terrorism threat. The focus has mostly been either militaristic or law-enforcement (counter-terrorism). So far, the immediate goals of these counter-terrorism efforts have mostly emphasized capture or kill, arrest or deter (Greer, 2011, p. 17). But, there is need for a third variable, influence or diplomacy. Failure to incorporate a formidable plan that accentuates American influence through diplomacy and development, will not only prolonged the ambition of reducing the threat of terrorism, it will become a never ending situation.
For instance, today, the West led by the US is increasingly faced with threats from a globally dispersed, but loosely organized non-state military configurations (Stern, 1999).  Moreover, these non-state terrorist actors are increasingly becoming more and more sophisticated with enough power to influence and effect political changes, Martin (2002). 

Besides, the strategy used by the US to fight terrorism lacks a proper grand strategy, in spite the emphasis of permanently destroying the enemy (Tien, Desgrosseilliers, & Armfield, 2008). While it may be an important policy objective to permanently destroy one’s enemy in warfare, a quicker way of defusing the power of such enemy, is to morally defeat their objectives and influences, gravitated by the rapid growth of information technology (as cited in Hammes, 2006).

Research design: phenomenology

The phenomenology approach will be adopted in this research. In the phenomenological, the researcher according to Creswell (2007) ”take the significant statements and then group them into larger units of information called meaning unit or themes and coined how the participants told their experience” this approach followed the general guideline of analyzing the data for significant phrases, developing meanings and clustering them into themes and presenting an exhaustive description of the phenomenon which will enhanced my data collection and analysis techniques. I will incorporate interview transcripts and other technological software such as audio recording, excel spread and Nvivo. The application and use of this approach will enhance the data collection process. For example, Merleau Ponty (1956) wrote that “the researcher transcends or suspends past knowledge and experience to understand a phenomenon at a deeper level.  It is an attempt to approach a lived experience with a sense of newness to elicit rich and descriptive data.” 

This makes phenomenology approach one of the ideas in this research.  In the phenomenological approach, the lived experiences of participant can be generated through a data collection process.  Consideration will take the historical data and analysis of the issues at hand and the current views of the participants. Nonetheless, a phenomenological approach is somehow philosophical in that the objective is to closely understand how the world is viewed by others, and how those views may subjectively vary from individual to individual, Marshall and Rossman (1999). Accordingly, phenomenological study takes the form of interviewing participants and getting to understand their impressions or perspectives on a given subject. For instance, participants could be asked open ended questions on the impacts or consequences of terrorism (as suggested in Creswell, 2009).

Research questions

One primary question, which will be addressed in this proposed study, is how likely would complementing counter-terrorism measures with long-term diplomatic solutions reduce the future growth of generational terrorists? The rationale for such question is based on the assertion that the steady growth in terrorism is psychological (Nye, 2006). The answers to this and other questions would be answered through a set of hypothetical non-experimental designs (relational designs). Mostly, relational designs or co-relational analyses normally consider a range of variables which may be connected to a particular event (Adèr, Mellenbergh, & Hand, 2008). In addition, each factor (i.e., anger, grievance, revenge and strains), which exists because of hard power, will be reevaluated on a case by case basis. Through case study, one or more analyses can be made on a single variable. Contrary to other qualitative approaches, which analyze specific group or institutions, case studies focus on a particular variable, such as terrorism (Baxter & Jack, 2008). Thus, in a case study, the research follows an interdisciplinary approach using various theories and concepts to interpret the research data.  

Theoretical or conceptual framework

From a theoretical concept and perspective, institutions and scholars construct theory to address concepts and problem of organization development, research and institutional strategies in an academic environment. Reynolds (2010), indicated that, theory “is frequently use to refer to number of other types of formulations, usually abstract, including vague, conceptualizations or descriptions of events or things, prescriptions about what are desirable social behaviors or arrangements or any untested hypothesis or idea. The study hopes to utilize a set of social theories to evaluate the impact of poverty reduction on the growth of terrorism (Yayla, 2005; Russell & Miller, 1977). More importantly, this research will utilize a number of relevant theoretical concepts used in phenomenological studies.

Hypotheses

To assess the impacts of the four pillars on the growth of terrorism, the study will examine how predictive these variables (governance and rule of law, security, economic revitalization, and basic infrastructural services) are in determining the country of origin of terrorism (Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan). A crucial factor that will be evaluated is the traditional position of the United States, and how its policies will influence economic conditions in sustaining democratic institutions. In view of this goal, the study will attempt to measure the terrorist origin inevitability, individual poverty and socio-economic status (i.e., unemployment), economic status (GDP per capita), and others. It is also important to measure the strength or presence of law enforcement, and its ability to effectively protect and police the state (e.g., money laundering), a key means through which criminal organizations facilitate their actions (Greer, 2011, p. 17).

Data collection procedures and research plan

This proposed study will largely use secondary data from various sources. For instance, over the span of several decades, a number of terrorism databases have been created, which are accessible for use. The proposed study will use data sources like the National Counterterrorism Center’s World Tracking System (WITS); Global Terrorism Database 1970-2007 (GTD); International Terrorism Attributes of Terrorist Events (ITERATE); RAND; The Pinkerton Global Intelligence Service (PGIS); and The American Terrorism Study database (ATS). However, for the purpose of conducting hypothetical tests, an internet based survey will conducted, as highlighted in the data collection methodology below.
     
Interview in data collection process

Interview will be an integral part of the data collection process. Consideration of interview as the best approach in the data collection process over observation in this research is that, data collection and management can be effective with the direct involvement of participants and the researcher. It helps reduces biases and establish ethical standard in the data collection for the research purpose and objective. For instance, in the interview process, the researcher can directly state or quote what is obtained from participants as compared to the observation method. In the observation approach, there is a high probability of infusing biases into the data collection process. In John Creswell (2003) words, he argued that “focus groups are advantageous when the interaction among interviewees will likely yield the best information, when interviewees are similar and cooperative with each other when time to collect information is limited, and when individual interviewed one on one may be hesitant to provide information Krueger (1994). This approach will involve direct participants of the research and major players in the research. Interview approach also eliminates data management risk and enhances ethical standard in the research process.

Kind of interviewing protocol to develop

The kind of interviewing protocol develop to conduct the interview will involved selecting participants from  country of origin of terrorists, government agencies that are likely to benefit from the study. For instance, using the qualitative interviews rules of thumb by Valerie Janesick (2011), it indicates, that it is good to “established rapport with the interviewee and establish a relaxed and open atmosphere and pace for the interview”. On this basis, I will create the necessary interview environment for the successful implementation of the research interview. For example, the purpose, the use of the research data and the time frame of the research will be discussed with all the interviewees.

Data management techniques employ

The data management techniques that will be employed are developing contingency plans to maintain the data in it its original form and status. For example, backing up copies of computer files as argued by Davidson (1996). Using high quality tapes for audio recording information during interviews and develops a master list of types of information gathered and protects the privacy of the participants of the research.

Role as the researcher
Traditionally, the researcher’s role is to guide and provide all of the logistics and ethical requirements of the study; and ensuring that the outcome of the study meets institutional ethical standards (Patton, 2002). Additionally, it is the researcher’s role to conduct interviews, collecting data, validating data and prepare reports and provide strategic leadership for the research.

Sampling

The sampling strategy selected is the typical case sampling strategy. This approach could benefit my study base on the concept and objective of the typical case sampling and my research goals and objectives. This strategy illustrates or highlight what is typical. According to Michael Patton (2002), the typical case sampling strategy “describes culture or program to people not familiar with the setting studied; it can be helpful to provide a qualitative profile of one or more typical cases’. The concept about sampling is that numbers of different events are drawn as a case to conduct the sampling. For instance, using random sampling as a case in point, Hamlet (1994) argued that “random testing simply selects test cases from the entire input domain randomly and independently. Random testing makes minimal use of the information from the specification or the program code”. Patton (2002), indicated that in the typical case sampling, “when entire programs or communities are the unit of analysis, the processes and effects described for the typical program may be used to provide a frame of reference for case studies of poor or excellent sites”. This makes sampling an integral part of our researchers’ journey. As researcher, we have moral and ethical obligation in pursuit of goals and objective of our research focus. Our research sampling and data collection must be free of biases.

Sample size and how it was decided for the study

Patton (2002) argued that there are “no rules in qualitative inquiry. Sample size depends on what you want to know, the purpose or the inquiry, what is at stake, what will be useful, what will have credibility and what can be done with available time and resources.” Using the typical case sampling method, the sample size will be mostly based on Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan, countries which post-war reconstruction efforts are being evaluated. Although a number of sampling exist with the secondary data, which will be used by the proposed study, a small sample size as small will be used for an internet survey involving 131 participants (law enforcement and government agency officials). According to Patton (2002), “the rationale purpose of random sampling was derived from statistical probability theory.” Accordingly, random sampling or representative sampling permits confident generalization from simple to large. This makes the sample size very important in the research and the decision making process of the research.

Why the sample size

Factors leading to this decision are base on the strategic focus of the effective use of this sampling mechanism. For instance, according to Michael Patton (2002), in evaluation and policy research, the interests of decision makers will shape the sampling strategy.” The samples size of 131 participants will create room to establish a higher probability for decisions making. It will afford participants the ability to better their policies.

Factors that contribute to this decision of the sample size

This decision is based on the research environment. Michael Patton (2002) wrote that “reason for site selections or individual case sampling need to be carefully thought-out and explicit. Moreover, it is important to be open and clear about study limitations, that is, to anticipate and address criticisms that may be made of a particular sampling strategy especially from people who think that the only high quality samples are random ones.”

Data analysis and interpretation plan

Accordingly, the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the research design will be given equal attention, and done jointly. For instance, I may investigate the cause(s) and effects of suicide bombing, using qualitative and quantitative standardized instrument, along with an in-depth interview. Both findings and data will be merged by means of a matrix and reflected in the conclusion. In an attempt to validate the reliability of the study, efforts will be made to justify that the importance of this issue, and further demonstrate that the likely result will be the same even if a subsequent research on this issue replicated in the future (Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005). Thus, for the sake of consistency, and as indicated earlier, this study will use triangulation to identify threats to internal validity. Being an aspect of social science, there are lots of ethical concerns that are wrapped around soft power that are very important to various audiences and society at large.  The quality of the data will be high as credibility matters when it comes to this research. Biases will be eliminated and high quality will remain priority in the research.

Ethical Concerns

Consistent with the ethical concerns cited in the National Institute of Health (NIH) assessment, these issues are certainly paramount to a study that examines the possibility of using soft power as a counter-terrorism strategy. In addition, the lessons learnt from the 1971 Stanford prison experiment and the lessons learned thereof, serve as added synergy to the ethical standards of this research.  Firstly, participation in this study would be fully consensual—no one will be included in this study through survey and other means, if they have not given their full consent in terms of full or partial disclosures. To achieve this goal, this study has been designed to incorporate those basic moral values surrounding the various legal and ethical research implications (NIH; Creswell, 2009; Onwuegbuzie & Leech, 2005).

One of such ethical expectations has to do with confidentiality. Consequently, confidential concerns mostly apply to those participants, such as rehabilitated terrorists, or those serving prison times for acts of terrorism, which are imminently in danger of hurting themselves and others.  The ensure that these and other ethical standards are protected, there is an Institutional Review Board (IRB) that will established by Walden to assist in reviewing this study against all potential ethical violations against participants.   

This study has also adopted codes to help protect subjects and further guide the direction of the research—autonomous participation, non-malfeasance (ensuring that participants are not intentionally hurt by the study), but beneficence (rewarding to participants), treat all human subjects in a just manner regardless of race, tribe, color and creed, fidelity (i.e., ensuring that promises to participants are honestly honored), genuineness (being truthful). Moreover, in addition to the ethical expectations set by the IRB, Creswell (2009) has listed a number of ethical expectations established by the research profession which this study will be utilizing.      

References
 
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Bibliography

Cooke, R., & Sheeran, P. (2004). Moderation of cognition-intention and cognition-behavior relations: A meta-analysis of properties of variables from the theory of planned behavior. British Journal of Social Psychology, (43), 159-186.

            The rationale for using this study is to mostly explore some of the psychological dispositions that encourage people to engage in acts of terrorism. This study is very important in that it provides the findings of quantifying the moderating effects of seven properties of cognition, also known as the Meta-analysis. Those seven properties covered--accessibility, temporal stability, direct experience, involvement, certainty, ambivalence and affective-cognitive consistency-on cognition-intention and cognition-behavior relations. Literature searches revealed 44 studies that could be included in the review. Findings showed that all of the properties, except involvement, moderated attitude-behavior consistency.

Crenshaw, M. (1992). How terrorists think: What psychology can contribute to understanding terrorism? In L. Howard (Ed.).

This text is a good source to evaluate the effects of harsh interrogation methods. In continuation of terrorist mindset, the text Terrorism: Roots, impact, responses. New York: Praeger. In this text edited by Lawrence Howard, a closer look at terrorism in the 20th century, and the various transitional stages are explored. The text drew together veteran experts on terrorism with authorities in Islam, media studies, American history, and social psychology, Howard presents a significant collection of essays that addresses the questions of the origins, the impact, and the appropriate personal and public responses to the phenomenon of terrorism. The volume is particularly useful in examining how the media and military retaliation either exacerbate or check the prevalence of terrorism.

Crenshaw, M. (2000). The psychology of terrorism: An agenda for the 21st century. Political Psychology, 21, 405-420.

In trying to lay the historical basis of my proposed study, Crenshaw presents a historical insight on political terrorism, going as far back as the early 1970s, to which terrorism presented itself as a persistent problem. Research on political terrorism, which began in the early 1970s, was unrelentingly problematic—defining the concept, collecting empirical data, building integrative theory, and avoiding the attribution of terrorism to personality disorders or "irrationality."It also included, analysis risks being driven by events or the concerns of policymakers. Howbeit, the lay back or default attitude it is that psychological explanations of terrorism should be multi-dimensional, therefore linking the individual to the group and to society in general.

Hoffman, B. (1993). Holy terror. Santa Monica: RAND
This study presented an in-depth look at the religious undertone as a motivating and recruiting tool in terrorism. This study extensively dealt with religious terrorism, and fanaticism, locally and internationally. It also looked at White supremacist groups in the United States, a number of radical Jewish messianic terrorist movements in Israel, radical Sikh Indian movements. One key position of this text is that since most of these groups pride on apocalyptic beliefs, the face of terrorism may be transitioning into a new and potentially dangerous aspect.

Kraemer, E. (2004). "A philosopher looks at terrorism." Pp. 113-131 in Nyatepe-Coo, A. & Zeisler-Vralsted, D. (eds.). Understanding terrorism. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.

This study delved deeply into the driving forces that led to 9/11—through the lens of historians, economists, psychologists, biologists, computer scientists, and anthropologists, it discusses its many layers. These scholars explored the causes that triggered 9/11 and other terrorist attacks, the role technology plays in terrorism, the culture of extremist groups, and American reactions to September 11th. The concluding chapter looked at the future of terrorism.

Sandler, T., & Lapan. H. E. (1988). The calculus of dissent: An analysis of terrorists' choice of targets. Synthesized, (76), 245-261.

This article utilized various frameworks to conduct study on how terrorist organizations launch attacks, the planning process, what comprised high targets, and others. Every prioritized target of terrorists is deemed a must accomplish objective—hence contemplate on the success and failure, and means of attack. Domestic terrorists for their part are more likely to over extend high priority targets is covered in this study. Thus the study found that “increased information about terrorists' preferences, acquired by the targets, may exacerbate inefficiency when deterrence efforts are not coordinated. In some cases, perfect information may eliminate the existence of a non-cooperative solution.”

Stitt, G. B. (2003). The understanding of evil: A joint quest for criminology and theology. Pp. 203-218 in R. Chairs & B. Chilton (eds.) Star Trek visions of law & justice. Dallas: Adios Press.

Edited by an assistant and an associate professor of their respective Departments of Criminal Justice, Star Trek Visions of Law & Justice is a unique collection of essays that speaks both to fans of the "Star Trek" television series and to serious-minded students of the evolution of law and justice codes in a rapidly transforming modern world. This study features an assortment of academicians draw on the blue print of the movie, Star Trek as a model of the future. The collection investigated the potential fallout for all-too-prevalent legal predicaments of now and the future. Essays include "The Law of the Federation", "What Color is an Android?", "Star Trek as a Pedagogical Vehicle for Teaching Law and Justice", and a host of others.

Victoroff, J. (2005). The mind of the terrorist: A review and critique of psychological approaches. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 49, 3-42.

This article reviews the state of the art of available theories and data regarding the psychology of terrorism. “Data and theoretical material were gathered from the world's unclassified literature. Multiple theories and some demographic data have been published, but very few controlled empirical studies have been conducted investigating the pathological bases of terrorism. The field is largely characterized by the theoretical speculation based on subjective interpretation of anecdotal observations. Moreover, more studies and theories fail to take into account the great heterogeneity of terrorists. Many practical, conceptual, and psychological barriers have slowed progress in this important field. Nonetheless, even at this early stage of terrorism studies, preliminary reports suggest that modifiable social and psychological factors contribute to the genesis of terrorist mind-set. Psychological scholarship could possibly mitigate the risk of catastrophic attack by initiating the long overdue scientific study of terrorist mentalities.”

Wilson, M. A. (2000). Toward a model of terrorist behavior in hostage-taking incidents. Journal of Conflict Resolution, (44), 324-403.

In the effort of finding a suitable theory to lead the way of my proposed dissertation, this study shed light on the theory of planned behavior. Theory of planned behavior emphasized that human behaviors are governed not only by personal attitudes, but social pressures and a sense of control. This model, when coupled with a few modifications, can generate some fascinating predictions. For example, individuals are more likely to execute rather than neglect their intentions, such as a plan to refrain from alcohol, if they express these plans on more than one.

Aydin, M. (2007). De-legitimizing religion as a source of identity-based security threats in a global world. The Quarterly Journal, (9), 1-18.

            This study provided a strong argument on the link between religion and terrorism. The study presented three types of religious terrorism, repressive, insurrectional, and social-revolutionary terrorism. This paper further looked at the growing link between religious identities, globalization, and terrorism. Within this context, the role of Islam in terrorism is extensively dealt with. In addition, the study provided a critical insight between Islam as a religion and Islam as a threat in the global world in which people are motivated by economic insecurity and political dislocations and strongly cling to religion and ethnic identities. The paper provided clear step by step strategies on how to address religious terrorism.



Sunday, October 30, 2011

African Democracy: Elections Despite Divisions A Markets and Democracy Brief



Markets and Democracy Briefs are published by CFR’s Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy initiative. They are designed to offer readers a concise snapshot of current thinking on critical issues surrounding democracy and economic development in the world today.
Hopes are running high for Liberia's second presidential elections since the end of its brutal civil war. The first round of polling appears to be credible. And with former warlord and current senator Prince Johnson's endorsement, President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa's first female head of state, is likely to win the run-off in November in what has been so far a largely fair and peaceful election. However, recent presidential elections in Ivory Coast and Nigeria risk overshadowing Liberia's consolidating democracy, and they are much larger countries. Both polls were historic: Ivory Coast's was the first since the end of civil war, and Nigeria's “better” election followed its 2007 “election-like event.” Nevertheless, they illustrate, alongside the polls in Kenya in 2007 and Zimbabwe in 2008, the potential for violent elections in profoundly divided countries. Twenty-seven African countries will hold local and national elections by the end of 2011, and at least seventeen more are expected next year. If elections are so often violent and polarizing, even when they are deemed free and fair, should the United States be promoting them? The answer is yes. Because Africans want them.
In Ivory Coast last year, incumbent president Laurent Gbagbo's rejection of the victory of his political challenger, Alassane Ouattara, led to a four-month standoff that brought the country to the brink of renewed civil war. Hundreds of thousands were displaced, and thousands were killed. Last spring in Nigeria, following news that incumbent president and southern Christian Goodluck Jonathan had won the presidential contest, anger in northern states originally directed at the ruling People's Democratic Party mutated into religious and ethnic violence that left an estimated one thousand people dead.
Yet, for Americans, elections are a good thing. They define democracy. In school, American children learn about the gradual expansion of suffrage to almost all citizens. Americans also think that elections are decisive, which means that, at least in theory, if a candidate wins office by one vote, he or she wins. But there is a deeply ingrained respect for the rights of losers—and a recognition that they might be the winner next time. Americans are not keen on power sharing, even if a poll is close. Instead, the losers wait for the next election and try again.
This willingness to relinquish power and wait patiently for the next election is rooted in shared American values and well-developed civic identities (in spite of current divisions in Congress). Further, there is the expectation that elections in the United States will happen—no matter what. It is well known that during World War II, Americans did not postpone elections, and there were elaborate arrangements to allow those serving in the armed forces to vote. Accordingly, Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected to a fourth presidential term, defeating New York governor Thomas E. Dewey. But few probably remember that presidential elections were also held on schedule in the United States during the Civil War, with Abraham Lincoln defeating General George B. McClellan. The contest was real: Lincoln thought he would lose.
Hence, it is no surprise that, in the postcolonial era, official U.S. policy in Africa has been to do what it can to promote free, fair, and credible elections. In Nigeria, for example, the United States has contributed millions of dollars toward elections since the restoration of civilian government, mostly in support of Nigerian and American nongovernmental organizations working to make elections meet international standards. In Ivory Coast, the Obama administration provided generous support to the United Nations as it organized the November 2010 elections.
However, unlike the United States, many African countries are profoundly divided, with longstanding grievances, weak institutions, and nascent, if any, national identity. This is compounded by the preponderance of “winner takes all” politics. When losing an election means losing access to patronage, competitors are willing to risk anything. They will mobilize divisions within society, whether ethnic, religious, or regional, to protect their access to state wealth and power. An abundance of unemployed and often uneducated youth is a particularly destabilizing force, easily manipulated by politicians seeking to intimidate or attack rivals.
Some observers have suggested that in the African context, the emphasis on elections is an example of Western cultural imperialism, of the West's imposing its value system and political practices where they may not be appropriate. Critics will argue that for elections to work there must be a sense of national identity, the rule of law, a certain level of education, and sufficient economic development to allow voters to make a free choice and not feel beholden to their boss, patron, or ethnic leader.  These prerequisites are incomplete in much of sub-Saharan Africa.
The trouble with this argument is that Africans themselves wholeheartedly embrace elections as a way to express their will. Indeed, in Ivory Coast the electoral turnout was unprecedented: at least 80 percent of registered voters cast their ballots. In Nigeria in 2007 and 2011, turnout was low—because of the widespread perspective that elections would not matter and a fear of violence. But, in the past, turnout has been high. In fact, given the opportunity, Africans are likely to vote with enthusiasm.
So, if Africans embrace elections, who are outsiders to say that they are inappropriate? The discussion of “Asian values” more than twenty years ago advanced the notion that despite countries' economic progress, “cultural” barriers to democracy and elections existed in such places as Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, and Thailand. Yet look at where many of these countries are now: there is little question they are more democratic than during the height of the “Asian values” debate. They are not perfect democracies, but then neither is the United States, France, or the United Kingdom.
Further, alternative models of governance in sub-Saharan Africa are less attractive than admittedly defective democratic ones, particularly over the long term. The most common alternative has been military rule, where the military comes to power to “clean up” a “mess” made by civilians. But military rulers often hold on to power as long as they can and become progressively more oppressive. Hence, in Nigeria, the mild regimes of Yakubu Gowon and Murtala Muhammed were ultimately followed by the alleged kleptocracy of Ibrahim Babangida and the savage oppression of Sani Abacha. And, with one short civilian interregnum, the military kept power for a generation, all the while proclaiming that it was “restoring” democratic rule even as many of the colonels became rich.
And, despite the gloom of Ivory Coast and Nigeria, there are numerous examples of successful elections. Ghana is remarkably similar to Ivory Coast in its divisions, yet it has had a series of successful elections. Liberia was a victim of “big man” politics for years, yet the election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf in 2005 was seen by Liberians as credible, and the 2011 polls look promising. There is also South Africa, where every election since the end of apartheid in 1994 has been regarded by international observers and South Africans themselves as legitimate.
So, rather than succumbing to Afro-pessimism, what should Africa's friends do to promote democracy and free, fair, and credible elections? Western democracies should continue to support African civic organizations that are working for credible elections, the rule of law,  independent judiciaries, and democracy. These organizations often operate on a shoestring, limiting their capacity, but in some countries (Nigeria, for example) they have strong grassroots support. Western donors should provide political and material assistance to African judiciaries as well.  For example, the international community should not hesitate to speak out about the intimidation of African judges or juries. On the practical and concrete side, when international donors supply word processors to a court, they assist in speeding up the judicial process—and the delivery of justice. This reinforces the rule of law.
When governments are involved in election rigging, the international community should disapprove publicly and withhold official expressions of congratulations to the victor. In the same vein, outside democratic governments should be leery of supporting “governments of national unity,” which enable “big men” who have lost credible elections to stay in power largely because they are willing to resort to violence. Governments of national unity in Zimbabwe and Kenya have done little to promote democracy or to resolve fundamental political issues. (They did reduce—though not eliminate—the violence in the short term.)
These steps are not dramatic, nor are they glamorous. For Americans, it may be uncomfortable to acknowledge that their ability to influence the growth of democracy and the rule of law in Africa is limited. It is Africans who will build both, in their own ways and with their own visions. Democracy was not built in a day in the United States. Likewise, it may take some time for Africans to develop the institutions necessary for smooth democratic transitions. But they will do it, and the United States should continue to assist in the small ways it can.