Guest Column
Liberia has come a long way from the bloody civil wars that raged
from 1989 until former president Charles Taylor left office in 2003.
In less than a decade, two credible elections have been held, the
last in November. But Taylor's imprisonment for war crimes in Sierra
Leone has done little to help with reconciliation. Indeed, Liberians
remain divided, and by some of the problems that plunged the country
into conflict.
Corruption, nepotism linked to oil contracts, impunity; a security
sector in disarray; high youth unemployment; and flaws in the
election laws have polarized society and corroded politics. Unless
President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf uses her limited powers to the
fullest to reconcile the nation more insecurity beckons.
Even last year’s relatively-successful polls highlighted these
divisions. Inflammatory rhetoric by some politicians and sporadic
violence in the run-up to the elections, then opposition allegations
of cheating after the vote, show how fragile things are.
Young people are increasingly resentful that they can’t find work,
even as Liberia’s elite grow richer. Community relations are also
tense, notably between the residents of Nimba in the north, and
Grand Gedeh, to the east.
Security is a central issue. The recent conviction of Taylor was
welcomed world wide, but Liberians are uneasy that others like him
have not been prosecuted for crimes committed not next door but in
their own country. Some say they will not feel safe until those
responsible for the atrocities are behind bars.
A new campaign led by the Grand Bassa county representative for a
law to establish a war crimes court in Liberia is encouraging news
and the initiative should be supported by the government. Yet the
numerous recommendations made by the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission in 2009 have yet to be implemented.
To address the problem, the government needs to clarify how the
recommendations tie into the national peace and reconciliation
initiative launched by President Johnson Sirleaf. It should also
adopt a recommendation by the Special Independent Commission of
Inquiry to pass a law against hate crimes. Civil society and donors
must invest in strengthening the media, notably by building a media
training centre and encouraging worker exchange programs with
countries that have an established and vibrant press.
On top of that, people have little confidence in the police. The
Liberian National Police was totally revamped in 2004, but its
officers failed to control some of the election-linked violence, and
they were accused of using excessive force against peaceful
protestors. This has only undermined public confidence and cast
doubts over the extent of police reform.
The United Nations, wary of the force’s abilities, has decided to
keep its police contingent at current numbers even as it draws down
its soldiers in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) over the next
three years. The government must urgently seek funds for further
police training and to buy essential equipment.
Liberia’s next elections are not due until 2017, but the voting laws
must be revised. The opposition claims of cheating were driven by
the National Election Commission (NEC)’s inability, or
unwillingness, to stop the ruling Unity Party from allegedly using
state resources.
Parliament ought to debate and introduce new laws so that the NEC
can control party funding and set tougher criteria for parties to
stand in the polls. The criteria could include demands for financial
transparency, significant representation in all regions and the
respect of democratic standards in their internal structure.
A special fund could also be established for party reform, to
strengthen their legitimacy and capacity. In addition, efforts
should be made to educate voters and polling staff, some of whom
were uncomfortable last year with the counting and tallying methods,
according to observers.
Finally, national development must be bolstered. Young people, many
of whom fought in the conflicts, must be given long-term economic
opportunities so they don’t return to violence. Investment should be
poured into neglected communities like Westpoint in the capital
Monrovia, and unstable areas like Grand Gedeh near the Côte d’Ivoire
border.
President Johnson Sirleaf is leading a divided country and is doing
so with a limited mandate. But Liberia could easily be destabilized
by disputes over natural resources, a weak police force and a
frustrated younger generation with few prospects for the future.
So she must spur the government to boost the economy and do more to
fight corruption, as well as encourage reconciliation – without
encouraging impunity – and reforms, both electoral and in the
security sector. Only then does Liberia stand a real chance to
definitively turn its back on the conflicts of the past.
Gilles Yabi is West Africa project director at the International Crisis Group.
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